Chapter 57: Constitutionalization
"It's finally done!"
"This is the first step, and it will be passed in the state parliament and approved by His Majesty before it can take effect!"
"Isn't it just a revision, what are you afraid of?"
……
That's right, this is the Constitutional Council of the New Holy Roman Empire, and everyone present is a **** sent by the governments of various states.
As early as 1854, the Constituent Council was formed, but because the differences between the parties were too great, it dragged on until now.
Now that the draft constitution has finally been released, the new Holy Roman Empire will use the unification agreements signed by the states.
The draft constitution soon appeared on Franz's desk.
After reading it from beginning to end, Franz frowned slightly. This constitution was in fact the result of a compromise between the parties, and the only advantage was probably that it guaranteed imperial power.
Of course, this is inevitable. The members of the Constituent Council were royalists, and all the states, with the exception of the Free City, had kings.
The ass determines the head, if the emperor's rights are restricted, can the king's rights still be guaranteed?
From the point of view of power, the kings of the states were Franz's best allies. Both the royalist and the royalist were on the same front, and both sides were at a loss.
The rest of the terms are similar to the reality of the new Holy Roman Empire today.
It was almost a replica of the Second German Empire, with a high degree of autonomy for each state government, and there were basically no restrictions except for the prohibition of secession, the unification of currencies, and the need to be consistent with the central government in foreign affairs.
The command of the armies belonged to the emperor and the king, and according to the constitution, Franz and the king of the states had the right to command the armies of the states, but the central government did not have this right.
The army was divided into two types: the Central Army and the State Army. The central army was directly under the emperor, and the governments of the states shared the military expenses; The armies of the states, on the other hand, were directly under the king, and the states were responsible for their own military expenses.
Theoretically, as long as the state government has money, even if it has a million troops, it is legal, and the central government has no right to interfere, but the emperor has the right to command.
The new version of the constitution directly separated the army from the government, and the state-owned army became the private army of the emperor and the king.
The same is true for taxation, where the people pay taxes to the king and emperor, and the central government and the governments of the states only manage it on their behalf.
This is a bit like the British, except that the emperor has more power.
High-level officials in the central government were appointed by the emperor, and all high-level officials had experience in local or ministerial appointments, and had achieved certain political achievements.
Directly from the source, the possibility of one step to the sky is cut off, or rather: the prime minister must start from the state department.
It is worth mentioning that the election of members of Congress has been opened, but it is a high-standard version.
Franz estimates that no more than one percent of people will be eligible to vote by this standard, and even fewer will be eligible to run.
Following the example of the British, Parliament was divided into an upper and lower house, with the upper house composed of nobles and the lower house elected by the people.
To be eligible for voting rights, you must meet the following conditions: have the nationality of the new Holy Roman Empire, and live in the empire for a long time, or be a colony, at least 30 years old, have a secondary school degree or above, have more than 10 years of social work experience, and have made certain achievements in the industry, have no criminal record, and have good political ideology......
The qualifications of candidates are stricter, and after meeting the above qualifications, there are also social contribution assessments, personal comprehensive ability assessments, and political, ideological and moral assessments......
There is no doubt that if this criterion is followed, it is estimated that the future Congress of the New Holy Roman Empire will be harmonious.
Those who can fight their way out of the encirclement are basically old men, whether they are scolding or fighting, they are powerless.
There is no doubt that this electoral pattern is a heavy blow to political parties. It's useless to be good at speeches, even if it's a blow, you don't even have the right to vote, and you don't even have the qualifications to vote.
Voters have a certain level of knowledge, and are industry elites, who have long passed the second stage of secondary school, and these people have little desire to change the status quo of society, and it is not easy to fool them.
Even if all these conditions are met, it is only a parliamentarian. If you want to become the prime minister from a member of parliament, you still have to climb all the way up from the grassroots, and the election is not a shortcut.
These restrictions were not set by Franz, and he hinted at most that the rest were all concocted by the Constituent Council.
It's normal to think about it, and the current Constituent Council is all vested interests, so it is natural to defend its own interests.
Don't think that the **** of civilian origin will expand the right to vote. The end result is often the opposite, and it is these people who are the most opposed to the expansion of suffrage.
The human heart is complex, and before it is privileged, it is anti-privileged; When the privilege is obtained, the ass decides the head, and the privilege must be maintained.
As the elite in society, they naturally do not want more people to come in and share this right, and in the end it becomes meritocracy.
Whether meritocracy is good or not, Franz could not answer the question. However, as an emperor, this is in his interest.
It is more conducive to the development of the country for a group of rational and conservative social elites to enter the circle of power than for a group of middle-class and second-class and mouth-to-mouth parties to enter.
After seeing the political donation, Franz did not hesitate to put a cross and made a note: Any political donation will be regarded as bribery and will be strictly investigated and dealt with in accordance with relevant regulations.
After thinking about it for a while, he added an article: the media, enterprises, and individuals are prohibited from engaging in relevant political propaganda, and violators will be punished for the crime of manipulating political elections.
As for the question of how the voters should vote if they can't be promoted, it's none of Franz's business. If you want to list your resume, probably, reluctantly, you can do it!
Anyway, everyone is the same, and no one takes advantage of fairness and justice.
It is better than having the power of capital intervene and the Congress becoming a slave to the capitalists' money.
Since it is constitutional, there are naturally provisions restricting the rights of the emperor. For example, it is necessary to abide by the Constitution, which clearly stipulates the proportion of the royal pension and so on.
That's pretty much it, don't expect a bunch of constitutional councils appointed by the emperor and the king to actually make a constitution that limits imperial power.
These terms were all acquiesced by Franz. At most, it strengthens the power of the cabinet, but the power base of the cabinet comes from the emperor, who is nothing more than a backstabber.
It is worth mentioning that Franz changed the law of succession to the throne, if the first heir is unable to bear the responsibility of the emperor due to personal physical and mental reasons, the throne will be directly inherited by the second heir.
There was no way, after experiencing the reign of Ferdinand I and almost overturning, the Habsburg royal family was frightened, afraid to come again. After all, not every time you will be so lucky, you can turn danger into a disaster.
If it weren't for the large number of loyal Habsburg courtiers, Austria would have become a constitutional monarchy in Ferdinand's time, and it would not have been Franz's turn to make the constitution himself.
After checking it several times and finding that there was nothing wrong, Franz passed on his opinion. When the time comes, someone will naturally find a reason to carry out his will.
This is the draft, and there is still a long time to go. The central government and the state governments also have to engage in political games to fight for their respective rights.
To put it bluntly, the constitution is just a big framework, and when it comes to specific provisions, it depends on the results of the political game between all parties.
()