Countless cases in his past life have taught Franz that you don't really have to stand with the majority, at least you have to make them think that you are with them.

That's what Franz is doing now, and reform is the mainstream in Austria, so he naturally wants to send a signal to the outside world that he supports reform.

At this time, the strength of the Austrian conservatives should not be underestimated, the Vienna court was the stronghold of the conservatives, and Franz could not betray his own class.

At this time, age was the best weapon, and in the eyes of the reformers he was a supporter of reform, and that was enough, and no one had the luxury of a 16-year-old boy to lead the Austrian reforms.

Franz did not express his opinion on the specific reforms, which in the eyes of conservatives showed that he was steady, and everyone knew that Austria had to carry out reforms, but how to reform was disputed.

As the crown prince of the empire, there is nothing wrong with Franz supporting reform, and if he stupidly throws out his reform plan, he will probably be handed over to someone.

In contrast, Franz's concern for the living conditions of the people at the bottom is nothing. A benevolent king is good for everyone.

Before the mystery is revealed, neither capitalists nor aristocrats will mind Franz brushing up his reputation among the people, and no one will know that he is a Zhuang sword dancer.

Bowenfeld was persuaded by Franz, or rather by reality, and there was nothing wrong with doing things to the young archduke.

It would have been better if he could influence Archduke Franz to accept his ideas.

His intentions Franz were naturally clear, but he didn't take them to heart. Now he just needed to use Bowenfield's influence to get the newspaper up and running in the shortest possible time.

They were left no longer concerned with the question of political reform in Austria, for Franz already had a preliminary plan in mind, and before he could carry out this plan, it was necessary to weaken the forces of the bourgeoisie and the aristocracy.

The elevation of the status of the capitalist will never appear in his reforms.

"Capital knows no borders," Franz had heard.

The capitalists are always a class that cannot be fed, and as long as the interests are right, they can be betrayed in minutes, and Franz did not dare to make them the pillars of the state.

Austria's special national conditions determined that this reform must take into account the interests of the vast majority of the people at the bottom in order to truly integrate the country, which required the nobility and the bourgeoisie to make sacrifices.

It was in this special period that the contradictions between the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie intensified, and Franz had a chance to succeed.

The more he learned about the country, the more certain Franz became that the empire was already undercurrent.

In 1846 the grain harvest in Germany failed, and Austria was also affected.

It stands to reason that the Austrian Empire was originally the main grain exporter in Europe, with the Hungarian Great Plain in it, and the impact of the reduction in grain production was not great.

However, the reality is quite the opposite. For the sake of their own interests, the capitalists exaggerated the grain shortage, raised the price of grain on the market, and at the same time lowered the purchase price of grain in Hungary, because the local grain harvest was abundant.

By the beginning of 1847, the price of food in Vienna had risen by 54 per cent, and the ordinary Viennese citizens were already feeling the pressure to survive.

Behind the manipulation of grain prices by the capitalists, there are also a large number of bankruptcies of the peasants, and even some nobles have suffered heavy losses, and the undercurrents in Hungary have begun to surge.

In recent times, Franz has noticed that Vienna has an increasing number of immigrants, and it is needless to think that he knows that most of these people are bankrupt peasants who have to enter the city in order to survive.

Some of them may still be serfs in the hands of the aristocracy, but by now, the population of Austria has long exceeded 30 million, and there is no shortage of serfs in the hands of the aristocracy, so the regulations have been relaxed.

Although serfs are also wealth, they also have to eat, and for the nobles, as long as the number is about the same, they can guarantee the completion of production tasks, and too many serfs are also a burden.

The success of the emancipation of serfs in European countries is not so simple, but more of it is the emergence of machinery, so that the aristocracy does not need so many people to farm, such as: storage harvesters, etc.

In the mid-to-late 19th century, the aristocracy's demand for labor declined, and resistance to the abolition of serfdom became less intense, and most of the enlightened aristocracy preferred to free the serfs in exchange for a compensation from the state.

Prime Minister Metternich promoted the abolitionist movement in Austria, but the aristocracy resisted because the offer was too low, and Franz supported the prime minister on this issue.

Austria was not financially wealthy and could not afford to pay high compensation, and it was inevitable that the price of compensation would be lowered.

However, this problem is not impossible to solve, such as giving preferential treatment to the abolitionist aristocracy in taxation, or sacrificing the interests of the capitalists, and the government intervening in the market to set a protective price for grain to protect everyone's interests.

As long as the interests are suitable, there is no contradiction that cannot be resolved. It's just that Franz will not come up with these ideas now, and he is still ready to exchange interests with Prime Minister Metternich.

On January 11, 1847, Franz's newspaper "We Want Bread, We Want Cheese" was officially launched.

He personally made up an article "Caring for the People at the Bottom and Creating a Better Austria" as a pioneering work.

There is no doubt that this is a chicken soup essay through and through, and the article devotes a lot of space to emphasizing the role of the people at the bottom to the country, and clearly arguing that the Austrian Empire will be better only if the basic living needs of the people at the bottom are met.

The effect is naturally undoubted, and the chicken soup text is the first time it has appeared, and many people have been fooled.

The aristocrats and capitalists thought that Franz was a prince who was overflowing with love, and that he was worried about the lives of the untouchables, but they did not reject such an emperor.

A benevolent emperor is better than a tyrant, and you don't have to work with your head up.

The influence caused by the people at the bottom is great, and a crown prince who cares about their living conditions is completely the standard of Renjun!

The only pity is that this crown prince is a little too young and has no say in politics, and it would be good if he became the emperor.

……

"It's a pity!"

Franz sighed to himself that if there was a group of people under his command to guide public opinion on a national scale, the impact would be even greater.

It's not that Franz didn't send people to guide public opinion, the problem is that he doesn't have many people in his hands, and his influence is limited to Vienna, and other places can only wait for it to slowly spread.