Gao Pragmatism's sentence "what should be impeached should be impeached" can be regarded as the final statement of today's Chongyang Conference. What he represents is not just himself, but the fighting declaration of the entire Gao Party and the entire group of the Shixue School.

The first Wanli Party Struggle, which was launched with a high pragmatic will, broke out.

In his view, the core driving force of this party struggle is to ensure that the advantage of cabinet power is not lost in the absence of the first and auxiliary leaders of the real school. And the more immediate driving force is to ensure that Shin Shixing cannot cram a second Xinxue official into the cabinet this time.

Even if Uncle Ding Wei goes to work, I will make it difficult for you Shen Rumo to be alone!

And Pan Sheng.

Whether you are oblivious to your interests or forced to do so, all in all, you have changed your previous neutral stance and are clearly on the side of the Heart School.

This is the friendship you betrayed in the past first, since this is the case, don't blame me for not talking about the past.

If betrayal can be easily forgiven, then I really send so many people, if there is a betrayal one day in the future, how can I "lead the team"?

Killing chickens and monkeys may not be easy to use sometimes, but the effect of killing monkeys and setting examples to chickens is not too bad.

An elder is qualified to be this monkey.

The party fights for the party, and if there is a party, there will be a fight! What's more, this is a party struggle in the Ming Dynasty, not the kind of Song Dynasty, not so gentle and elegant, abolishing the law but not abolishing people.

The party struggle of the Ming Dynasty has always been life and death.

Gao is very clear that all dynasties have had different degrees of party struggle, but their influence is also different. Although Confucius once said: "The gentleman is a group but not a party, and the villain is not a party." But history tells him that party struggle has never been the "patent" of villains, and gentlemen are also good at party fighting, and even fight much more than villains.

Why does Gao pragmatic think that the party struggle in the Ming Dynasty was different from that in the Song Dynasty? The characteristics of the party struggle in the Song Dynasty can best be explained by the "Qingli New Deal" and the "Wang Anshi Reform".

In the third year of the Qingli period of the Northern Song Dynasty (1043), nearly 90 years after the founding of the Northern Song Dynasty, the Northern Song Dynasty at this time had experienced several wars against Liao and Western Xia, and the national strength was seriously consumed. At the same time, there was also a rebellion of hungry people in the country, which can be described as "internal and external troubles".

At this time, Fan Zhongyan, a famous minister, sent a letter to the emperor of the current dynasty, Song Renzong, to "Answer the Edict of Chen Shishi", and proposed reform measures in response to various shortcomings in the system at that time. After that, Renzong issued a number of edicts based on this, which was known as the "Qingli New Deal" in history.

Because the New Deal directly hit the vital point of many vested interests, the seeds of "party strife" were planted at the beginning, and finally the Qingli New Deal "ended without a problem".

In order to implement the new policy, Song Renzong intended to promote Xia Zhu to the position of privy envoy (the highest military governor in the country). Originally, Xia Zhu did not have many opinions on the new policy, but Wang Gongchen, Ouyang Xiu, Yu Jing and others, who were also "reformers", resolutely opposed it, and in the end Xia Zhu failed to do so. In this regard, Xia Zhu completely stood on the opposite side of the "reformers".

With the advancement of the New Deal, the contradictions between the reformers and the opposition gradually became public, and the struggle became increasingly fierce: first, Ouyang Xiu wrote a letter accusing the imperial historian of "being more than talented"; In response, he supervised the impeachment of two ministers close to the reformist leader Fan Zhongyan, and finally caused Fan Zhongyan and Wang Gongchen, the governor of the Imperial History Observatory, to resign from their official positions as a sign of support for their colleagues.

After this, the party struggle "escalated": the aforementioned Xia Zhu had the letters tampered with, falsely claiming that the actions of reformist officials were "the affairs of Yi and Huo". This act of "killing people and punishing hearts" deeply frightened the backbone of the reformists, Fan Zhongyan and Fu Bi, who immediately resigned from their posts in the DPRK and the Central Committee and went out to patrol the borders of the DPRK.

Only a year after the implementation of the new policy (the fourth year of Qingli), Fan Zhongyan was dismissed from his post as governor (roughly equivalent to deputy prime minister), and Fu Bi also went to the government on the same day, and both were reappointed as border envoys, away from the imperial court. Soon after, all reforms were abolished, and the "Qingli New Deal" came to an end.

Compared with the "Qingli New Deal", the "Wang Anshi Reform" is more representative.

This reform of the law during the reign of Emperor Shenzong of the Song Dynasty can be said to have vividly embodied the characteristics of "party struggle": almost all officials in the DPRK and China chose to "take sides", and because Shenzong strongly supported the new law, the "reform faction" occupied the peak from the beginning.

With the advancement of the new law, the voices of the opposition were "wave after wave": in the imperial history, Cheng Lu Xue was impeached by Wang Anshi, but Shenzong refused to reply, and the former asked to leave the court; Fan Chunren of the Zhiyuan attacked Wang Anshi's chaotic changes, Shenzong did not say whether it was committal, and Fan Chunren also resolutely resigned; The veteran minister Fu Bi called the sick minister; Sima Guang's letter was fruitless, and he took the initiative to ask to go to Luoyang to repair the "Zizhi Tongjian"; Su Shi and Su Zhe wrote to Chen to explain the disadvantages of changing the law, but as a result, Su Zhe was demoted to Henan, and Su Shi invited himself to leave Beijing to serve as the general judge of Hangzhou......

It can be said that the officials of the opposition, without exception, have left the central government. However, after 30 years in Hedong and 30 years in Hexi, the final result was still the failure of the reform, and the conservatives were once again in power (omitting a little, I don't want to write too much about the history of the Song Dynasty).

But the most critical situation is that these seemingly fierce battles have largely not resulted in the death of people, or the absence of physical attacks or even physical destruction outside of politics itself.

Compared with the Ming Dynasty, the party struggle in the Song Dynasty was really restrained.

So what is the style of Daming's party struggle?

As soon as some people explain the party struggle in the DPRK, they say that it is the end of Wanli, but in fact, that is a misunderstanding, in fact, as early as the period of Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang, the signs of "party struggle" have appeared.

At that time, most of the people who fought the world with Zhu Yuanzhang were Huaixi people, and Zhu Yuanzhang himself was also a Huai person, so after the establishment of the Ming Dynasty, most of these people were crowned princes and held high positions.

At that time, the central figure was the Korean Gong Yi Sun-chang, and the Huai bureaucracy in the DPRK was formed under his leadership.

Because of his dual status as a meritorious hero and the emperor's fellow countryman, after the founding of the country, Li Shanchang served as the prime minister of the left, ranking first in the court. After him, he was succeeded by his fellow countryman Hu Weiyong.

During the more than 10 years that they were in power, it was difficult for non-Huai officials to gain a foothold in the DPRK and China due to the exclusion of the Huai clique. For example, Liu Bowen, who is a close confidant of Zhu Yuanzhang, has been suppressed since he entered the dynasty because he is a native of eastern Zhejiang.

Liu Bowen's talent and merits are obviously not bad among the heroes, but because the Huairen officials made an obstruction, when he was a meritorious hero, he was only named Chengyi Bo, and Li Shanchang, who was born in the Huai people, was named the Duke of Korea.

Due to Li Shanchang's provocation, only four years in Hongwu, the smart Liu Bowen returned to his hometown and stayed away from officialdom since then. But this is not the end: because when Zhu Yuanzhang asked Liu Bowen about the prime minister's candidate before, the latter did not say good things for Li Shanchang, so Li Shanchang held a grudge, and then dismissed Liu's Yulu under the pretext of excuse.

After a series of blows, Liu Bowen soon became ill with grief, and at this time, Hu Weiyong of the Huairen Group took the opportunity to send a doctor to treat him, but something strange happened: Liu Bowen died of illness in the following month.

It can be seen from this that even if they stay away from politics, the Huai bureaucracy still refuses to let go of its enemies. Liu Bowen is just one of their opponents, far from all. In fact, the Huairen group at that time almost suppressed the whole country with the strength of one faction - otherwise do you think Zhu Yuanzhang was really having a brain convulsion, and he actually killed the heroes like that?

He found that the strength of the Huairen Group was too strong, and he could suppress it when he was alive, but the prince died early, and it was completely uncertain whether the grandson had such prestige and ability. So there was Zhu Yuanzhang's big killer.

In the middle and late Ming Dynasty, in the Jia, Long, and Wan eras, the more distinct factions of the "party struggle" officially appeared.

First of all, during the Jiajing period, there was a struggle between the "Yan Party" headed by Yan Song, the first assistant of the cabinet, and the "Qingliu" represented by cabinet members Xu Jie, Gao Gong, etc. - note that the word "Qingliu" at this time does not have a derogatory connotation.

At that time, Yan Song formed a party for personal gain and engaged in large-scale corruption, and the "Qingliu" officials constantly attacked the "Yan Party" by taking advantage of this. And Yan Song was not idle, he used his power to kill Xia Yan, the leader of "Qingliu", on fabricated charges. However, in the more than 20 years that Yan Song has been in power, the attacks of "Qingliu" have never stopped: Shen Lian, Yang Jisheng and others have successively impeached Yan Song, but they have not succeeded, but they have been framed and killed by Yan Song.

A lot has been said in this book about the events after Yan Song's defeat, so I will not repeat it here, but I will talk about the party struggle in the late Ming Dynasty in the original history.

At the end of the Ming Dynasty, the trend of "party struggle" reached its peak. First of all, on the issue of Wanli's crown prince, Zhejiang-born Zhejiang Party officials basically chose to obey Wanli's idea (mainly because of their legitimate power), while the famous Donglin Party officials were strongly opposed. In response, other parties attacked the Donglin Party.

As a result, officials of various factions have been fighting for more than 20 years over the issue of the selection of the crown prince.

At the time of the apocalypse, the "party struggle" evolved into the dispute between the "inner court" and the "outer court". Because the eunuch Wei Zhongxian was the eunuch of the ceremonial supervisor Bingbi, he was able to participate in the confidential information, and he was also the commander of the Dongchang, and he could fabricate charges at will and control the power of life and death of officials, so a group was quickly formed around him, and the Donglin Party called it the "Eunuch Party".

Because Wei Zhongxian was trusted by the Apocalypse, he was powerful inside and outside the court, doing whatever he wanted, and there was an endless stream of people who tended to be attached to him, and even called him "nine thousand years old".

Seeing the dictatorship of the "eunuch party" and the corruption of the dynasty (what the Donglin Party believes), the Donglin party began to fiercely attack the Wei party: Yang Lian, the deputy emperor of the left capital, wrote a letter to impeach Wei Zhongxian for the 24 major crimes, and was falsely imprisoned, and then tortured and died in prison; The rest of the Donglin Party, such as Zuo Guangdou and Wei Dazhong, were also imprisoned and tortured to death for opposing the Wei dictatorship.

At this point, the power of the "Donglin Party" was greatly frustrated, and the "Eunuch Party" spread all over the imperial court, and it was not until Chongzhen that it was eliminated by the "Holy Monarch" with a "decapitation tactic" - by the way, the Holy Monarch also eliminated himself.

Throughout the party struggles of the Song and Ming dynasties, the former were mostly purely political disputes, such as reformers and conservatives, and the results of the struggle only stopped at the dismissal of the prime minister and the removal of officials (far from the center).

The latter mostly divided factions according to the origin of officials, and the villagers held each other together, and those who were not from their own faction must be suppressed and excluded, and later developed into "fighting for the sake of fighting", and everything had to be attacked, and the results of the struggle could be described as tragic: many of the losers were sentenced to death and died.

Gao pragmatic once pondered what were the reasons for these two different situations?

He felt that perhaps the foundation of the two dynasties was different.

The Song Dynasty can be called the happiest dynasty of intellectuals in Chinese history, and Zhao Kuangyin, the Taizu of the Song Dynasty, once made an oath of "not killing scholars and doctors and those who write and say things" and engraved it on the stele. Therefore, the Song Dynasty was extremely tolerant of intellectuals (scholars), and as long as they did not commit a heinous crime that caused public outrage throughout the country, they would not be punished.

Even if he fights with the monarch, there is often no danger of his life, at most he is sent to a local place, away from the government. This is most typical from the situation of Fan Zhongyan and Wang Anshi.

Daming is different. Ming Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang was born in poverty and had a first-hand experience of the corruption of Yu Zhizhi. After the founding of the country, the government was rectified with strict punishment and strict laws, and the requirements for officials were extremely strict, and the slightest act of corruption would be punished with capital punishment.

But on the issue of dealing with ministers, he and his son Zhu Di made a very bad example for future generations: Zhu Yuanzhang handled the cases of Hu Weiyong and Lan Yu, and more than 40,000 officials were implicated and killed;

Zhu Di is not far behind, and in the case of Fang Xiaoru, he even made the feat of "punishing the ten clans", and even Fang Xiaoru's protégés and friends did not let go. Because of Fang Xiaoru alone, a total of more than 800 people were killed.

As a result, the party struggles in the Ming Dynasty almost always ended in personal annihilation, and the losers often couldn't even save their lives.

If this is only the "ancestoral" inertia formed by the actions of the founding emperor, then there are also actual social roots.

The key to this social root lies in the development of the Yangtze River basin.

During the Northern Song Dynasty, the development of the south of the Yangtze River had a large scale, and the economic and cultural level was relatively high, but the Yellow River Basin did not decline, and because the capital of the country was Kaifeng, the development of the whole north and south was relatively balanced.

This can be seen from the origins of the famous ministers of the Northern Song Dynasty: Fan Zhongyan is a native of Suzhou, Wang Anshi is a native of Linchuan, Jiangxi, Kou Zhun is a native of Weinan, Shaanxi, and Han Qi is a native of Anyang, Henan.

But by the Ming Dynasty, the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River had been developed very maturely, and the economic and cultural level had overshadowed the north; In addition, Nanjing was the capital at the time of the founding of the People's Republic of China, so its status as a political and cultural center has not fallen.

Since then, this has led to a result, most of the "Golden List titles" come from this region, so that the emperor had to change the national list of the imperial examination, dividing it into the north and south lists, etc., in order to maintain balance as much as possible.

But even so, the effect is not particularly good, at least it should not achieve the results that the emperors wanted. Therefore, at the end of the Ming Dynasty, the most influential "Donglin Party", "Zhejiang Party", "Kun Party", etc., were concentrated in the Suzhou-Xichang area without exception.

This makes it easier for them to recognize each other in terms of cultural concepts, and then unite the party and advance and retreat together.

If Gao Pragmatic did not appear, Gao Gong's "Gao Party" was just a flash in the pan, relying entirely on Gao Gong alone, and as soon as Gao Gong himself fell, Gao Gong would have disappeared directly.

Similarly, if Gao Pragmatic had not helped Gao Gong integrate a Gao Party, Zhang Siwei's Jin Party was actually not something he could control by himself - in addition to the Zhang family in Puzhou, the Wang family and the Ma family were all bigwigs of the Jin Party, and they were not inferior to the Zhang family.

It was only because Gao Pragmatic "stringed" Zhang Siwei and Gao Gong that Zhang Siwei could in turn use the power of the Gao Party to establish his absolute advantage in the Jin Party, thus forming a dominant authority, which integrated the originally somewhat scattered Jin Party.

Together, the two sides basically formed the basic plate of the Shixue School, and standing opposite it is the current Xinxue School. (In fact, due to the highly pragmatic management, it is almost impossible for the Zhejiang Party to appear, at least as it was in the historical Zhejiang Party.) )

And now, with the death of Gao Gong, Guo Puzhishi, and Zhang Siwei Ding worry, the Heart School finally found an opportunity from more than ten years of forbearance, and with the support of Jin Yuan of some maritime merchants, it began to make the first temptation to "regain lost territory".

It stretched out its first claw.

Xu Guo didn't see this, or even if he did, he hesitated because his party leader was a little unworthy of his name.

In this way, Gao Pragmatic, who actually built the political resources of the three generations of first and auxiliary people, and the former Xiaoge elder, finally stood up.

After the end of the Chongyang Conference, Gao Pragmatic stood on the white jade tower and suddenly read a sentence that he had read well.

"Ande leaned against the heavens and drew his sword and cut you into three pieces."

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PS: I have thought of the name of the next chapter, just "Cut you into three"!