After the overthrow of the Provisional Government by Bushlvik's August Revolution, the Entente bloc at the time was fearful of the nascent red party.

At that time, the British newspaper The Times devoted a special feature to this revolution. In the report, the Times pessimistically said that the seizure of power by the red party in Russia was a threat to the whole of Europe, and also called on all countries to be vigilant against the development of the Communist Party in various countries to avoid falling into the tragedy of Russia.

As Europe's most influential newspaper, The Times has always advertised itself as objective reporting. But the August Revolution led by Bushwick showed no signs of hostility to the Red regime. In contrast to the ethics of being a big newspaper with an image, The Times can't be too revealing of its own opinions, and other newspapers are not so subtle.

At that time, most newspapers reported on the August Revolution of Bushwick, and they repeatedly said that the Communists were persecuting the Russian people in St. Petersburg. There were also many newspapers that exaggerated the various problems of the Paris Revolution and told their readers that some newspapers even called for an armistice between the two major groups that were at war to extinguish the Red Revolution in Russia. This is the reaction of the bourgeoisie of all countries to the fear of Russia to the first working-class regime.

However, at that time, the Allied governments did not adopt a hostile policy towards the newly established Soviet Russian government, because they also needed Russia to hold back a large number of German and Austrian troops. In the face of the goodwill extended by the Entente, the Soviet Russian government was now completely incomprehensible, because they were busy dealing with the terrible situation at home.

The poor food supply in St. Petersburg was now a top priority for the nascent Russian government, after all, most of the Bushvik military was located here. It was also the political and economic center of Russia, the revolutionary mecca of the new Soviet Russia, and a place that the Bushvilles could not afford to lose.

The new Russian government, which overthrew the Provisional Government and left only the Soviet power, still has many members of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Cadets, and the Mensheviks. The reason for this was that the revolutionary slogans led by Bushwick were opposed to the Provisional Government, and on the other hand, Bushwick could not be too explicit, that is, the other left-wing parties did not have a numerical disadvantage to Bushwick.

This has a lot to do with the fact that Bushwick was too radical in the Russian left-wing party before that. Previously, during the Tsarist period, Lenin's Bushville was the political group it focused on. Because the Bushviks were about to overthrow the Tsarist government in their slogan, the Bushwalks, whose leaders had been abroad for a long time, were much less attractive to the progressive youth of Russia. Even after the January Revolution, Bushwick desperately developed and expanded his organization, while other left-wing parties made stupid moves, but they still did not give him an absolute advantage.

In addition, the new Soviet Russia still showed a desire to fight against the Allies, which can only be said that the Russians were now completely tied to the Entente chariot by Britain and France, even if Russia had collapsed. Now Britain and France are willing to continue to cooperate as long as Russia is willing to continue fighting, even Bushwick.

Bristol, the British ambassador at that time, also expressed to the Soviet Russian government that the Entente was concerned about the current situation in Russia, but the main thing was the attitude of the Soviet Russian government on whether the war would continue. You must know that when Bushlevy was in the opposition, he shouted the armistice slogan loudly. In fact, negotiations with the Germans were being held within the Bushvik community.

As the main leaders of Bushwick, he clearly remembers what he relied on to come to power. At present, the most powerful anti-war groups are the military groups with guns, and if these soldiers are not satisfied, then it will not be difficult to change the political party to govern. Therefore, after initially easing the tension over the material supply of St. Petersburg, Bushwick began to negotiate an armistice with Germany.

Therefore, when the British and French ambassadors asked Soviet Russia about the war against the Central Powers, they were discouraged. To this end, the British and French ambassadors sent a report to the country, suggesting that support for other political parties in Russia be expanded.

It was also a great relief to the other Russian parties, who saw it as Bushwick's own death, and that without the financial backing of Britain and France, Russia could collapse its finances simply by paying off its foreign debts. Faced with this situation, of course, they would not kindly remind Lenin and others that they intended to defeat the Bushwicks in the next elections and regain power in the Soviets. It's just that they don't know that the Bushwalkers are not as disciplined as they are, and that Lenin, as its leader, is much more than they think.

Fifteen days after the August Revolution, the nascent Russian government submitted its willingness to negotiate peace with Germany. This greatly encouraged Germany, and a German terms for peace talks were sent to the Russian government. Germany's conditions gave these Bushvelvik top brass the head of the new regime.

Germany proposed to cede Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, and all parts of Latvia and Belarus to Germany and Austria, and pay 3 billion rubles in compensation. Moreover, the indemnity must be paid to the Central Powers in five installments within a year, otherwise the Allies have the right to raise their own funds.

Faced with Germany's terms for negotiations, the Bushwick Party became agitated and demanded the cessation of negotiations with the Allies. Among them, Bushlvik's views were divided into three categories: First, the "left communists" represented by Bukharin opposed the signing of the peace treaty and advocated continuing to fight against Germany. His argument was that conditions in Germany were too harsh, which would put the nascent Bushwick at a disadvantage in future elections. And as long as the fighting continues, it is quite possible that in the future revolutionary sentiment will be ignited among the workers of Germany and Austria. In fact, it was because of Germany's harsh conditions that it was unwilling to fight. Central Committee members Bubnov, Uritsky, and Lomov supported Bukharin.

the second is represented by Trotsky; He advocated an armistice, demobilization of the army, but no sign with Germany (i.e., no war or peace). In fact, Trotsky was also opposed to accepting Germany's conditions, because he knew the state of the Russian army, and it would be too harmful for the new regime to continue fighting. Central Committee members Krestinsky, Dzerzhinsky, and Viet Fei supported Trotsky.

This was followed by Lenin's proposal to accept Germany's terms and sign a peace treaty. Because Lenin knew that the main problem of the current Soviet Russian regime was the domestic problems that needed to be solved, and that they were about to erupt, because there were too many thorny problems accumulated in Russia at present, which were carefully sorted out by the new Soviet Russian regime. Lenin's proposition was supported by six members of the Central Committee: Tivinov, Sokolnikov, Stalin, Artem, Stasova, and Sverdlov.

Now the three parties are at loggerheads over the German plan, and on September 11, the Russian government convened a meeting of the central and local leaders. Of the 60 people present, 32 were in favor of Bukharin's ideas, 16 were in favor of Trotsky's ideas, and only 15 were in favor of Lenin's ideas. In the end, Lenin's proposition was not adopted because it was in the minority.

The attitude of the Soviet Russian government greatly dissatisfied the German side, and Hindenburg and Ludendorff, who were bent on taking this opportunity to settle the Eastern Front, were also disappointed. Regarding the attitude of Soviet Russia, the two actually made preparations with both hands. During this period, Ludendorff, who was in charge of the General Staff, mobilized four more divisions from the Western Front, and transported most of the ammunition in recent months to the Eastern Front, while the Western Front abandoned many of the pre-existing positions to save troops.

After Soviet Russia refused to negotiate peace, more than 2 million German and Austrian troops advanced along the Great Plain of Eastern Europe to the Russian hinterland. And the Russian troops guarding these places have not become brave and good at fighting because of the blessing of Bushlvik, and they are still on the verge of collapse, and a large number of soldiers disappear into the field with weapons. At least more than 100,000 soldiers on the Russian front disappeared and escaped in just a dozen days of attack, and nearly 200,000 soldiers entered the German-Austrian prisoner of war camps.

Faced with a very critical situation, Soviet Russia once again convened a meeting of the Central Committee on September 25 to re-vote on the issue of signing the agreement. Trotsky's proposition was adopted by a majority of 9 votes to 7, and Lenin's proposition remained unaccepted by the majority.

So negotiations resumed in Brest. As People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs (i.e. Minister of Foreign Affairs) and head of the negotiating delegation, Trotsky agreed with Lenin before his departure that he would make concessions if Germany gave an ultimatum. Because both of them knew that it was not a way to drag on like this, Russia would probably see the victory of the Entente, but the Bushlevik regime would certainly not see this outcome.

As a result, Germany really issued an ultimatum to Soviet Russia, and Trotsky sent a telegram to Lenin asking for countermeasures, and Lenin immediately replied by telegram accepting Germany's conditions and immediately signing the agreement. But by this time Trotsky had fallen into the habit of cherishing feathers, for he knew that if he signed this treaty, he would remain subservient to Lenin. So instead of accepting Lenin's proposal, he made a statement refusing to sign a contract and led the delegation to leave Brest.

As a result, Germany began a major offensive against Soviet Russia again. By October 9, when Germany had already attacked Pskov, less than 300 kilometers from St. Petersburg, the situation was very urgent, the army was already resentful, and the voices questioning the Soviet and Russian regimes were also fluctuating. At this time, an emergency meeting of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union was held. At the meeting, Lenin's proposal was again rejected by a vote of 6:7.

Subsequently, the Central Committee held a meeting overnight, and after a fierce debate, Trotsky switched to Lenin's support, and Lenin's proposal was adopted by a vote of 7 in favor, 5 against and 1 abstention. The Russian government notified the German side overnight that it had agreed to sign the agreement.

However, the Germans did not stop the offensive after being notified, and on 12 October they put forward more harsh conditions. The Central Committee of the Russian Party convened an emergency meeting attended by 15 members. At the meeting, the majority of the members expressed their disapproval of Lenin's ideas.

Faced with his painstaking lack of support from the members of the party, Lenin was furious and had no choice but to propose that if this empty talk continued, he would resign and withdraw from the government and the Central Committee. Bukharin did not care about this, Trotsky did not agree with Lenin, but in order to prevent Lenin's resignation and the split of the Bushwalks, his attitude changed. Under his influence, there were 4 abstentions. As a result, Lenin's proposal was adopted by 7 votes in favor, 4 abstentions, and 4 against.

So on October 14, the Russian government finally re-sent a negotiating delegation to negotiate with Germany.

On October 21, the peace treaty between Soviet Russia and the Central Powers was formally signed in Brest. According to the treaty agreement, Russia gave up all the territories of Finland, the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), Belarus and Ukraine, not to mention. Russia also needed to cede Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Courland (present-day western Latvia), and Russian Poland to Germany. At the same time, the Turkish generals, who were defeated by Tsarist Russia ten times in a row, took back the regions of Adrakhan, Kars and Batumi without blood.

This means that Russia will lose 1.26 million square kilometers of land, which occupies a tenth of Russia's total territory, and all of it is in Europe, so it is very densely populated, accounting for 44% of the country's population. Russia's resource dominance, which had dominated the world, will also be greatly diminished, with coal and iron ore losing 75% and 73% respectively, along with 54% of industry and 33% of agriculture.

In addition to these, the Soviet Union also needed to pay 7 billion marks in war reparations like Germany (because Romania had too much blood sucking from Germany, which greatly increased its domestic pressure). And it can only be divided into five installments, and the last installment must be completed within one year of the signing of the treaty.

The treaty would give the nascent Soviets a rest, but this was obviously not acceptable to all Russians. With the loss of such a large number of people and industry, it is also necessary to compensate the entire treasury for its funds within a year. In addition, in the Constituent Assembly elections, the Bolsheviks, who received fewer votes than the Socialist-Revolutionaries, openly overturned the elections they had organized, and sent troops to disperse the Constituent Assembly by force in January 1918. Left-wing parties organized workers to demonstrate against the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. The Bolsheviks sent troops to crack down on the "5 January Massacre" that shocked the world. In Gorky's words: "The rifle dispelled the dreams that the best elements of Russia had fought for for nearly a hundred years".

A large number of Russian nationalists turned to the anti-Bushvik group, and hardcore patriots like Kolchak were indignant. In their eyes, the Soviets became traitors, more disgusting beings than the Germans, and were ready to eradicate them at all costs. Thus the civil war broke out in Russia.