Chapter 17: Mission Impossible (1)

As the Mexican gangs sail up the Mississippi River, Vice Admiral Mitchell, commander of the U.S. Navy's Atlantic Fleet, was worried about the newly received telegrams.

One was sent by the Air Force, which used long-range reconnaissance planes deployed in Jamaica and Honduras to find out the exact location of the Axis Fleet: the first was on the evening of 6 March, 300 kilometers east of Panama, and the second was on the afternoon of 7 March, when the Axis Fleet entered the port of Barranquilla to resupply, and then the information relayed by Washington and delivered by Colombian intelligence officers also showed that the Axis had indeed resupplied in Barranquilla, mainly for rapid refueling. Colombia's oil reserves are not as abundant as those of neighboring Venezuela, but they are among the top five in Latin America, behind Venezuela, Mexico, Brazil and Argentina.

In connection with Colombia's actions in the past few days, although it has not yet announced its membership in the Axis, it has at least broken away from the camp of allies and is closer to losing the northern part of South America.

Mitchell did not care about these political twists and turns, he only cared about intelligence, and the information obtained from the light and dark lines could lead to a general conclusion: the German fleet had completed its mission and was ready to run away, and as for the Japanese Combined Fleet, which was further away, it had long since lost its trace, and it was probably broken.

The second telegram was from Washington, in which the Joint Chiefs of Staff asked them to launch an attack on the Axis Fleet as much as possible in order to account for the Caribbean campaign. Sensing the withdrawal of Rommel's troops from Nicaragua and Costa Rica, Bradley, who was in Washington as a senior staff officer of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, suggested to Dewey that a counteroffensive could be launched at the right time, using the method of attacking the German forces in Panama to turn the situation around, and even forcing the main German fleet to weaken or destroy it.

Lieutenant General Walter Kruger, commander of the Caribbean Theater of Central America, made a similar point, but his tactics were much more aggressive than Bradley's, demanding that the U.S. forces in Recife launch a diversionary attack on the German Brazilian cluster, and then the Central American theater would push through the Costa Rica line. The German fleet was forced to be exhausted and exposed by attacking from both sides, and then the main force of the Navy's Atlantic Fleet was annihilated in one fell swoop, striving to completely reverse the situation, if not the entire strategic pattern, at least to reverse the unfavorable situation in northern South America, Central America, and the Caribbean.

MacArthur strongly supported this grand settlement, and he even considered organizing a flank amphibious landing in South America after defeating the Axis Fleet, and cooperating with the Central American Caribbean Theater to realize the relevant idea.

Dewey, who was suffering from the deteriorating situation on the battlefield and had no other way, grasped the life-saving straw like a drowning man, and said yes again and again, without going through a profound, meticulous, and comprehensive evaluation and analysis work, he hastily agreed to the principle of counteroffensive, of course, one thing Dewey was sober, he knew that the key to achieving this goal was the navy, so he kicked the ball to the navy, on the one hand, let them discuss the battle concept together, and on the other hand, put pressure on the navy to seek to fight the Axis fleet.

He even planned to appoint Bradley as the commander of the reinforcements, commanding 36 divisions to complete the flank landing mission and cooperate with the overall operational objectives.

This feeling made the Navy very uncomfortable, and there was always a sense of haste to rush the ducks to the shelves, but it could not be clearly refused, because the time for the Navy to explain the reason in late February that it would take at least two weeks to complete the preparation of the new warship had passed, and from February 24 to March 8, there was no longer even a temporary excuse for delay.

This idea did not meet Mitchell's own requirements, he only hoped to drive out the German fleet counted, rather than risk fighting the Axis fleet, his expectations were close to Admiral King and Turner, and he hoped to wait until 56 months to have more than 10 Essex-class aircraft carriers and the carrier-based aircraft pilot training system was further improved before attacking, rather than rushing into a fight.

However, judging from these two telegrams, the strategy of "slowly approaching and forcing the enemy to leave" has been disrupted and is sliding towards the realm of "slowly approaching and engaging the enemy." On the one hand, he complained that Washington was in too much of a hurry, and on the other hand, he resented why the Axis fleet had not dragged its feet.

The only person in the army who opposed such a rapid counteroffensive was Clark, but after seeing the relevant reconnaissance information, he also kept silent: the Germans did not destroy the Panama Canal repair project as expected, and they could not continue to build it, and the German army was using the raw materials of the project to build permanent fortifications, and it can be seen from the reconnaissance photos that in just these 45 days, a large number of permanent fortifications have sprung up in the canal area. If the Germans were given 23 months to consolidate their defenses, they would have to suffer at least tens of thousands of casualties. The Army's top brass still remembers the battle in Cape Verde vividly, believing that the reason why rapid progress could not be made was due to the strong and continuous German fortifications on Cape Verde, and if the Germans were allowed to seize the opportunity again, they were afraid that they would cause even greater losses.

Turner, while opposed to the Navy's eagerness to fight, shared MacArthur's position on this point, arguing that Cape Verde was America's Waterloo, and that the situation would not have collapsed if it had not been for the defeat of that battle.

Because Nimitz originally promised the army on behalf of the navy, once the German army attacked Panama or the four major Caribbean islands or Recife, the navy would be dispatched, and now the German attack on Panama has met the trigger conditions, so the idea of "forcing war" and "sitting back and watching the German army leave" that Mitchell longed for was doomed to be unrealizable, but Spruance raised an objection on behalf of the naval operations: he wanted to start a counteroffensive from the European island chain, first capture Trinidad and Tobago, and then occupy northern Brazil, Cutting off the German forces in southern Brazil and Central America, as for the army's repeated flank landings and behind-enemy landings, he thought it could be used on the German army in Brazil.

Of course, this makes sense, and it can give full play to the effect of the navy's final word, and several high-ranking members of the army also agreed, but MacArthur agreed with very polite words: "You can fight from Panama, you can fight from the middle, and even you say that it is okay to attack from Recife, and now the key question is how to fight the German fleet?" When to hit? Gentlemen, we cannot sit idly by and watch the enemy swagger and retreat, which means that they will come back at a critical moment, and we must make up our minds to fight, even if we fight a lose-lose battle of Jutland, it is better than engaging in a 'rainbow', right? ”

The last two sentences are, of course, swearing: the Battle of Jutland was a battle in which the German Navy hoped to break the naval superiority of the Royal Navy in World War I, and although Germany had the tactical superiority, it did not change the pattern strategically, and the result became the existence of a fleet, and those battleships that had been built at great expense did not make a meritorious contribution on the battlefield of killing the enemy, but retreated in the harbor to wait for the news of defeat, and finally turned into a rainbow in Sparka Bay.

As soon as this sentence was said, the admirals changed color, and they almost had to stage a full force at the Joint Staff Conference since Admiral Kim and Marshall staged before they could score twice, but Nimitz was more steady, and he knew that McArthur's unforgiving big mouth had been taught in the Pacific Theater, and he only restrained himself from saying that he would give an order to Mitchell to let the Atlantic Fleet launch an offensive operation, but how to fight and when to fight, the initiative depends on the front-line commanders, and Washington will not be remote, let alone forcibly set a deadline.

Although MacArthur accepted this idea, Kruger did not do it, because launching an amphibious landing campaign requires a long time to prepare, and it is impossible to advance to the Panama direction without 23 months, so there will be big trouble in this direction, although Germany cannot send it to Panama through the Caribbean line, but it may not be able to send it to Panama through the Pacific line, and he said worriedly that the Japanese army is entrenched in the Galapagos Islands, which are more than 1,600 kilometers away from the periphery of Panama, so how can they hit the middle road first? You must start with the West Road first!

Opinions, disagreements, communications, and discussions around various campaigns continued until March 8, and finally MacArthur, in his capacity as chief of the Army General Staff, forcibly suppressed Kruger's opinion: whether to fight the Western Front or the Central Line, this is an internal issue of the Army, and the key now is to fight a naval battle first and take out the Axis fleet.

Dewey originally hoped that the army and navy would discuss it again, but then he couldn't care about it so much, and eagerly hoped that the army and navy would fight as soon as possible, because the news from the direction of Hawaii was very unsatisfactory, which was more pressure than Panama

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