Chapter 1: The Most Dangerous Man (1)

At night on January 27, 1945, in the icy rainy night of the North Sea, two XXIII-class submarines quietly sailed out of the port of Kiel and began to march towards the depths of the Atlantic, and the submarines were loaded with 36 German special forces elites led by Skoltsny!

At this moment, all eyes on European politics are focused on three simultaneous referendums: the referendum in Northern Ireland, the referendum in Iceland, and the referendum in Denmark.

There is still one day left in the voting season, but the fastest Icelandic referendum has already counted 85% of the votes, and on the basis of the previous "work", the number of votes in favor of abolishing independence and becoming a German Icelandic province has exceeded 70%, which means that even if the final vote is all against it, it is impossible to block the passage of the bill, and Iceland will undoubtedly become part of the Third Reich.

The other two referendums were still in a stalemate, with Northern Ireland counting nearly half of the votes, with only 51% in favor of merging with Ireland, 47% in favor of maintaining the same unity with Great Britain, and the other 2% abstaining. Denmark counted one-third of the votes, with about 53 percent in favor of becoming the Nord province of Germany, 46 percent against, and 1 percent abstaining – no one could say victory.

Although most of the 24 countries are Axis allies and basically approve of the merger of Germany with Denmark and Iceland, at least the image must be maintained decently - Germany can make some small moves, but it cannot be too unpopular with international public opinion.

Military observers, on the other hand, turned their attention to the Caribbean war: when the main Axis fleet arrived in Guyana, it did not launch a direct attack on Trinidad and Tobago or other areas, as the United States had expected, but began to release its forces calmly: the British troops, numbering nearly 5,000, the French army, numbering more than 4,000, and the Dutch troops, numbering nearly 1,500, disembarked and assigned to garrison, and then held a grand ceremony.

This is Germany's fulfillment of its promise to hand over the French, British, and Dutch Guianas it occupied not long ago to the three countries, marking the beginning of the European powers to reduce the living space of the government-in-exile and resume the exercise of power over the Caribbean, and it is also an indispensable link for Germany as the leader of the Axis and the hegemon of Europe.

Except for a few uninteresting US bombers who came to attack and disturb them, the US forces in all other directions were urgently strengthening their defenses, trying to weaken the axis by resisting step by step and slowly delaying. If Ozawa had told Ozawa the whole set of American operational ideas, he would have laughed dumbly - isn't this the Japanese Navy's version of the nine-stage gradual reduction of the invitation to fight a decisive battle after 20 years of painstaking planning for 20 years, but as a result, nothing was achieved?

Everyone knows that there is a wave of anger beneath the surface calm, but only a few know that there is a deeper, more complete anger lurking beneath the waves.

Although Dulles's strong attempt to seek peace was "eagerly" responded to by Germany, and even reached consensus in some areas, the deep-seated differences and conflicts between the two sides were further strengthened, and Dulles's arguments advocating "exchanging China and the United States for South America" and "respecting the original forces" were partially in line with Germany's views on the surface, but they triggered other thoughts; he stressed that the United States could agree to the restoration of rule by Britain, France, and the Netherlands, which had pre-war forces and territories in the Caribbean, but did not agree with the view that Germany and Italy would put their hands into the Caribbean, which stimulated Hoffman's sensitive nerves.

In Hoffman's view, this was a precursor to the United States' attempt to divide and disintegrate the European bloc, and Dulles tried to pull one faction at the same time as the traditional interests of Britain, France, and the Netherlands, and fought against one faction after another, which Germany categorically would not tolerate. It is not that Germany thinks they are pitiful and sympathizes with them, but that they need to stand on the side of Germany against the United States, and if Germany helps Britain, France, and the Netherlands to restore their old spheres of influence at the expense of its own interests and that of its closest comrade-in-arms, Italy, how will it be able to convince the people in the future?

Although the United States has agreed to compensate Germany and Italy with South American interests and economic interests, South America, with the exception of Guyana, is now basically or about to fall under the control of Germany, and whether the United States admits it or not will not change the reality, and as for the tens of billions of dollars, Hoffman did not pay attention to it -- Germany is not Japan, and it is not so poor that it will not be able to move its feet when it sees tens of billions of dollars, and the oil mark, which has begun to take shape, will be part of Germany's financial hegemony in the future, and how can it be bought by a mere tens of billions of dollars?

There is a paradox here: the United States is willing to spend tens of billions of dollars to buy Germany, but it is not willing to spend the same amount of money to buy Japan.

After finding out what Dulles was about, Hoffman came to two conclusions:

First, this is basically the principled stand of the new US administration, and the US government's tone will not change unless there is a major change in the battlefield situation.

Second, the U.S. government has the confidence to give it no more than the Manhattan Project, the frantically built Essex-class on the slipway, or both—Hofman guessed it right.

These two conclusions are the bottom line after Dewey and Dulles deliberated and discussed them in depth, but there is one thing that Hoffman did not expect: the US government, especially the top management, has been mentally prepared to temporarily "lose" the Hawaiian Islands because of the civilian "ransom" action, believing that this failure will not lead to the collapse of the government, but will provoke a greater and stronger backlash from the people, which is more conducive to a protracted war.

Hoffman and Horikichi are not gods after all, and no one can calculate what Americans think in their hearts, everyone can only make decisions based on the "facts" they see, hear, think, and predict, and cannot make decisions based on complete objective reality, and no one dares to take such risks.

Dulles's strong move to make peace and Ribbentrop's rebuttal finally prompted Hoffman to make up his mind: he must break the American mentality!

It has to be said that Dulles's move actually had the opposite effect, but from the standpoint of the United States, his behavior is completely understandable: If Dulles blindly pursues peace in a low-key manner on behalf of the United States, he will inevitably be regarded by the axis as weak and can be bullied and put forward more and more demanding demands.

This approach is as tragic the logic of great power politics as decision-making based on "reality", in which opposing sides think of the other's logic of action worse and more directed at themselves.

This convinced Hoffman that the United States had not completely given up hope of winning the war, which he categorically could not tolerate, and after repeated deliberation, he finally launched a counter-plan aimed at destroying the "Manhattan Project" - Doomsday Trial!

With the characteristic roar of diesel engines, Otto Skolzny remained untireless, writing and drawing on a piece of paper, constantly refining the "Doomsday Judgment" plan.

Compared with the original submarine to the UK, the spaciousness of this XXIII-class submarine is simply a world of difference, not to mention independence, it is said that even if you want to soak in the bathtub, you can do it. It is said that a submarine with 36 people can accommodate all of them, but considering the long distance, in order to ensure that the crew members have a better rest, Hoffman instructed the Navy to mobilize and renovate two transport submarines - one can also carry all personnel when absolutely necessary. Colonel, who holds the rank of colonel and holds the knight's cross with oak leaves for two golden swords, has a spacious cabin that not only has a large table, but even a sofa for four people to meet and discuss. He intends to use this journey to refine the overall plan as much as possible.

The "Doomsday Trial" plan is a bit bizarre, because the main and most direct participant in the discussion is actually the Führer himself, Hoffmann has not only been discussing the course of action with Skolzny during his visits to Great Britain, Ireland, Iceland, and Denmark, but has also been immersed in the discussion of the plan even after the start of the more important referendum.

This surprised Skoltsny, and he sometimes couldn't help but want to persuade "the Führer should focus on national affairs, and the specific details of this kind of special operation should not be a national leader's concern", but every time the words came to his lips, looking at the Führer's worried, solemn and seemingly anxious expression, such words naturally suppressed.

In this matter, of course, Hoffman has unspeakable bitterness.

He not only knows the ins and outs of the whole project and the general details, but also visited the Los Alamos National Laboratory and the Oak Ridge plant in Tennessee, but he has visited since the mid-90s, and all the facilities built during World War II no longer exist, and there are mostly only later buildings and carefully preserved ruins for visitors to see.

He was interested in learning the details, and never thought that one day he would send someone to destroy the place, and the more he learned about the details, the more he realized that it was not easy, which was why Hoffman was involved in the project as a Führer.

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