Xu Congzhi said to Zhang Daojun: "Zhang Yishi has just arrived, and it may take some time to understand the situation. The official thinks that we might as well stop here today and wait until tomorrow to continue discussing the aftermath of the civil uprising. ”

Zhang Daojun glanced at the letter in Ye Qi's hand, and then said to Xu Congzhi with a smile: "Since Xu Shenzheng is so considerate of this official, this official is naturally willing to accept it..."

After leaving the county office, Ye Qi hurried back to his residence in Shunyi, a small courtyard confiscated from the mutant army.

After explaining to a doorman that no one was allowed to disturb him, Ye Qi walked into the study of the East Chamber, and before he could sit down, he opened the envelope, took out the letter paper inside, and looked at it.

This letter was a plan that Zhu Youzhen had been thinking about for a long time for several months, and finally made up his mind to write it out and hand it over to Ye Qi to test.

Ever since he woke up and became Zhu Youzhen, he has been thinking about how to mobilize the power of the peasants in the shortest possible time.

As a citizen of New China, Su Changqing, who has learned the materialist view of history well, knows very well that even if he arms the Ming army to the teeth, if this army has lost the will to fight, then he will not be able to change the future historical trajectory.

For the Ming Dynasty, which now accounts for more than 90% of the agricultural population, only with the support of the peasants will he obtain a reliable source of troops and a stable supply of materials.

Even as long as he can truly mobilize the strength of the 10 million people in Beizhili, Houjin will run back to the Great Xing'an Mountains to be a savage.

However, the ridiculous thing is that the Ming Emperor Chongzhen, who is a crowd of 150 million, can mobilize far less force than the backward serf system of the integration of soldiers and peasants in the Later Jin Dynasty.

The reality of the Ming society now is that the national power belongs to the big clan, the clan does not go down to the county, the county is only the household, and the country is in danger if the household is lost.

For Chongzhen, theoretically, the basic unit of society he can manage is the county. But in fact, of the 1,427 counties in the Ming Dynasty, all he could really control was a few counties near Beijing, and the rest of the regions were controlled by the local gentry and the civilian clique.

Therefore, in Jinhua County, Zhejiang, the industrial and commercial tax collected in 1578 was less than 7 taels. Beginning in 1510, He Xun was in charge of the Shashi Tax Envoy for the next ten years. Once the quota was completed, he dared to privately reduce the tax on the carpenter.

In the twenties of the 16th century, Shao Ching-bang took charge of the Shashi Tax Department, and he adopted an even more astonishing reform, and after completing the quota in three months, he opened the customs for the rest of the year to be a timber merchant.

In 1560, Yang Shi Qiao established an admirable system in Hangzhou, allowing wood merchants to conduct tax assessments by writing down their own income.

And these bastards who regard the laws of the country as child's play have actually won the praise of Shilin and the reputation of Qing officials.

In fact, the Ming Dynasty's ossified bureaucracy and degenerate civilian-bureaucratic clique have made the Ming Dynasty, which still looks like flowers on the outside, completely rotten on the inside.

On the other hand, at this time, although the Houjin was still in the period of transition from slave society to feudal society, the Tunguska savage tribe in the rising period was undoubtedly more vigorous than the decaying and declining Ming Dynasty.

Nurhachi formally established the Eight Banners system in 1615. It is stipulated that every 300 people will be set up as a "Niu Lu", and the five Niu Lu will set up a Jia Lae Zhen (Chinese translation of the leader), and the five Jia La will set up a solid mountain Ezhen (Chinese translation of the capital). The military and civilians of Liaodong were compiled into 308 Manchurian cattle records, 76 Mongolian cattle records, and 16 Han army cattle records, a total of 400 cattle records.

Although the main force of the Later Jin Dynasty was the 120,000 soldiers and civilians of the Eight Banners, the rulers of the Later Jin Dynasty were able to control the 120,000 people and the slaves under their control.

On the whole, the Houjin people are not even a fraction of the population of the Ming Dynasty, but in the local areas of the Ming Dynasty that are against the Houjin, there is no area that can have the strength to resist this force.

The reason is that the 120,000 people in the Eight Banners have about one or two thoughts, and the Ming Dynasty has hundreds of millions of people, and they also have hundreds of millions of thoughts.

If you want to resist Houjin's entry and robbery, the first thing to do is to let these farmers in Beizhili unite first.

Only by organizing these peasants can he be regarded as having a base area. How to organize the peasants and mobilize them to the last bit of strength is obviously not something that can be accomplished by a simple 'tiller has his land' plan.

The distribution of land to the landless peasants is only to gain their favor and trust, and the subsequent form of organization is the key to effectively mobilizing the power of these peasants.

In the final analysis, without the leadership of a powerful party organization that built the new China, the land seized by the local gentry in the Gyeonggi rebellion would soon be taken back from the peasants by the powerful men.

Maybe when the time comes, the brocade guards he sent down will become the new owners of these lands.

Therefore, he needed to unite the peasants who had been allocated the land against the local gentry, clans, magnates, and even the local government.

In the end, Zhu Youzhen realized that there was nothing more suitable than the people's commune to set up such a basic unit of society.

Rid of ideological beliefs, the people's commune, as a basic unit of an agrarian society, is in fact the most suitable.

The semi-autonomous and semi-political form of the commune unit could not only resist the oppression of the local officials, but also legally relieve the local gentry of the power to administer the villages.

As for disaster relief, tax collection, water conservancy and road construction, the organization of labor force in the commune is obviously better than the chief of the li directly coming to arrest Ding, and there will be no forced labor that always falls on the poor households.

However, a people's commune with all kinds of workers, peasants, merchants, scholars, and soldiers means a small regime, and if the prestige of the imperial court declines, and the leadership of the commune falls into the hands of the gentry and clans, then for the lower members of the commune, they will be even darker than the current life.

However, if the history has not changed, the next Ming Dynasty will encounter disasters for many years, as well as the entry and looting of the Houjin, once the population of Beizhili and Shandong was slaughtered and looted by the Houjin, then the city of Beijing will become a rootless tree and a sourceless water.

After thinking about it for a long time, Zhu Youzhen finally wrote this organizational form of the people's commune that spanned the times, and asked Tian Ergeng to send someone to hand it over to Ye Qi.

Zhu Youzhen did not know whether the people's commune could be established in this era, but the reason why he still wanted to implement it was because in the troubled times, the power of the group could make the majority of people live.

When Xu Congzhi and the three county officials came to the county hall the next day, they found that several Jinyi guard officers had already sat in the hall early in the morning.

He subconsciously looked back at the sky outside the hall, which was about the middle of the corner. "When have these factory guards been so diligent?" Xu Congzhi thought in his heart.

After Xu Congzhi exchanged a few words with Zhang Daojun, he cut to the chase and said: "Zhang Yanshi, you are now under the emperor's order, and there is no need for us to delay time."

This Wenxiang lesson plan will be concluded as soon as possible, so that the people of the three counties can live with peace of mind, and you can return to Beijing as soon as possible. It will take too long for this land to be cleared, and it is really not feasible.

Yesterday, the official and the three counties carefully inspected the money and grain list, and found that because there were treacherous officials who did something to do in it, the land taxes of some gentry did not appear in the money and grain list.

What do you think of the fact that the official thinks that these gentry have made up last year's money and grain, and then revise the list of money and grain, and then verify the owners of the acres and acres with this? ”

"My lord's words are not right, if there is no name on last year's money and grain list, you can check the money and grain list of the previous year, or the year before last, you can always find the name of the owner of the field.

Now to make up for last year's money and food as if nothing happened, is it too child's play? And if it is missed, then these fields are not cleared, how to determine the field endowment? Who should have the final say on the country's taxes? Ye Qi, who had been thinking about things all night, had red eyes, but his spirit was extraordinarily vigorous.

Seeing that a hundred households in brocade clothes dared to intervene in their conversation with Zhang Daojun, Xu Congzhi immediately turned his face to Ye Qi and reprimanded: "Rude, don't you know what officialdom is?" This official is talking to your superior, and you can also interject..."

Zhang Daojun interrupted Xu Congzhi's reprimand with a smile and said, "Xu Shenzheng went out to send off Lord Fuyuan yesterday, so I didn't hear His Majesty's other will.

Anyway, the official just said it again. The Holy Lord wants to implement the plan of 'the cultivator has his field' in the three counties, and this Ye Baihu will be in charge of this plan, and His Majesty will allow him to act cheaply, while the official is just observing how to implement this plan from the sidelines.

Therefore, if Xu Shenzheng wants to get back the fields of those gentry, it is better to sit down with Ye Baihu and have a good talk. ”

Xu Congzhi's face suddenly darkened, he looked at Zhang Daojun and said solemnly: "The duty of the Jinyi Guard is just to arrest thieves and guard the safety of His Majesty, when does he have more power to govern the place?" Aren't you waiting for an edict? ”

The slogan "the tiller has his land" is naturally good, and there have been people with lofty ideals in all dynasties who want to try to realize this political ideal.

Without exception, their attempts have failed, but this does not mean that this ideal has been abandoned by the Confucian scholars.

Cracking down on the right-wing and curbing land annexation are the efforts of those officials under this political ideal.

Xu Congzhi also has such a dream in his heart, one day after he enters the center, he can try to create a Datong world where everyone has land to plant.

But hearing this name from the mouths of these brocade guards made Xu Congzhi feel extremely angry.

How dare these eagle dogs of the imperial court embezzle the property of the gentry and celebrities under such a noble slogan, it is really tolerable and intolerable.