Under the leadership of Huang Liji, the cabinet ministers also reflected in time and congratulated Chongzhen again and again. The defeat of the Chahar Department this time is not comparable to the impact of the previous child's play on the recovery of Taiwan, an isolated island overseas.

In the eyes of everyone, this is the great victory that Chongzhen has been able to announce to the people of the world since he ascended the throne and can win the victory of Taimiao. After all, the Mongols have been the old enemies since the founding of the Ming Dynasty, and the Chahar Department is the nominal co-leader of the Mongolian tribes, and the victory of defeating the Chahar Department has special political significance.

Since the three major expeditions of Wanli, this victory can be regarded as a decadent atmosphere of repeated defeats of the Ming army in Liaodong for more than ten years.

In this cultural hall, except for Chongzhen, who was simply happy to solve the trouble caused by the Chahar Ministry, the other cabinet ministers had already begun to think about how to reap some benefits for themselves from this victory.

For Huang Liji, in the more than half a year since he promoted the reform of the official system of the six cabinet ministries, he has not yet enjoyed the benefits of the reform, but the officials whose interests have been damaged because of the restructuring have privately slandered him have been widely circulated in the capital.

If this victory can be linked to the reform of the official system of the six ministries of the cabinet, then he will not only be able to use this victory to quell those criticisms of him, but also gain huge support from the people of the Ming Dynasty.

After all, in the current Ming Dynasty, most people have never left the place 30 miles away from their village in their lives.

They may have heard that the imperial court fought against the Dongyu and had several defeats, but they may not be able to distinguish what is the difference between the Jianzhou Jurchen referred to by the Dongyu and the Chahar Mongol defeated by the Ming army this time.

As long as this victory is announced to the world, the people in those places are likely to think that the Chahar Department defeated by the Ming Dynasty is the Jiannu who defeated the Ming Dynasty several times before.

And the imperial court can also use this momentum to suppress the local arrogance that is ready to move the authority of the imperial court.

In fact, even during the Wanli period, when there were many shortages of officials, all parts of the Ming Dynasty had always been obedient and did not dare to disobey the orders issued by the imperial court.

However, after the Battle of Salhu, the Ming army suffered successive defeats in Liaodong and lost most of Liaodong, and the authority of the central government began to falter a little.

It is precisely because of the lack of fear of the central authority of the imperial court that there will be mine supervisors and tax supervisors who go out of Beijing on behalf of the emperor, and the groups of local powerful officials and gentry who are besieged by the public have repeatedly appeared during the Apocalypse.

However, if you check the archives in the lower palace, you can know that the period when the palace sent the most mine supervisors and tax supervisors was not the reign of Emperor Xizong, but the period of Emperor Shenzong.

However, there were not a few incidents of besieging mine supervisors and tax supervisors during the Wanli period. On the contrary, there are dozens of concerts of impeachment of their lawless deeds by local officials and gentry, which are issued every year. However, in the year of the Apocalypse, the incidents of the local gentry directly besieging the mine supervisors and tax supervisors increased greatly. This is also a side proof of the fact that the authority of the imperial court has declined in various places.

As the first assistant of the cabinet, Huang Liji naturally hopes to strengthen the power of the center, not to mention that after the reform, the power of the first assistant of the cabinet is no longer controlled by the inner court, and it is close to the existence of reality.

Huang Liji's biggest problem now is that he was too close to Wei Zhongxian before, so he was regarded by the Donglin Party as a key member of the eunuch party.

As a result, although he became the head of the cabinet who held actual power, because of the problem of prestige, his power was severely limited by the clear stream of the DPRK and the resistance of local officials.

At his age, he would not have used a drastic confrontation with these officials head-on, after all, he had to think about his reputation and the safety of his family.

If it weren't for Chongzhen's active promotion, he would never have taken such an urgent step on the issue of official reform, but would have preferred to take one step and see two steps.

But now that there is such a good opportunity to be sent to him, it can allow him to brush up and refresh the prestige of the cabinet and block the mouth of the government and the opposition, and he will naturally not let it go easily.

After congratulating the emperor with the cabinet ministers, Huang Liji proposed to Chongzhen: "Your Majesty, since the war with the Chahar Department has come to an end, the old minister thinks that this wartime base camp can also be abolished as soon as possible.

It is not a good thing to concentrate the good soldiers in the hands of one person after all. Sun Kaiyang is old, and this is a bitter cold place outside the fortress, since the war has ended, it is better to let him go home to recuperate for a few days, so as to show His Majesty's concern for the old minister. ”

Zhang Ruitu looked at Chongzhen and bowed slightly, and seemed to agree with Huang Liji's opinion, so he came out and said: "Your Majesty, this war with the Chahar tribe is over, but how to mediate the relationship between my Ming Dynasty and the Chahar tribe still has to be discussed in the long run.

Before the war, His Majesty had told the Cabinet that the purpose of the war was not to destroy the Chahars, but to thwart the attempts of Lindan Khan to annex the right-wing Mongol tribes.

Now that we have won the victory, it is natural to sit down with the leaders of the right-wing Mongol tribes, such as Lin Dan Khan and the king of Shunyi, and negotiate a result.

The Chahar tribe could not be allowed to shake hands with the right-wing Mongol tribes and make peace, nor could they continue to be hostile with the Chahar tribe, lest Lin Dan Khan be angry and join forces with the Jiannu of Liaodong.

The minister thought that in order to do this, it was necessary to transfer the follow-up affairs to the cabinet, and as for the task of the wartime base camp, the minister thought that this should be the end. The base camp should be disbanded and the relevant personnel should be recalled to the capital. ”

Seeing that several cabinet ministers agreed with Huang Liji and Zhang Ruitu's proposals, Zhu Youzhen was silent, and after a while, he said flatly: "What Mr. Huang and Mr. Zhang said is good, but now is not the time to disband the wartime base camp."

Although the Chahar tribe has suffered some setbacks, who can guarantee that after our withdrawal, Lin Dan Khan will not make a comeback?

Without the support of our army, will the coalition of right-wing Mongol tribes really be able to resist the Chahars alone? If not, wouldn't it be superfluous for us to spend so much money and food to fight this battle with Lin Dan Khan?

As the saying goes, travel a hundred miles and half ninety. The defeat of Lin Dan Khan is only the beginning, and only when the Chahar Department and the right-wing Mongolian tribes really reach an agreement and let the northwest border of the Ming Dynasty settle down, can we really relax our minds.

Besides, we have spent so much effort to help the right-wing Mongol tribes fight this battle, not just to keep their own property.

Taking advantage of the fact that these right-wing Mongolian tribes have lost their traditional pastures and their strength is at their most declining, it is our ultimate goal to penetrate the influence of the Ming Dynasty into every tribe, to find out the internal and external conditions of these tribes, and to make them accept the orders of our Ming Dynasty.

If we don't do anything now, when the population of these tribes multiplies and grows, and a figure capable of calling on the Mongolian tribes to harass the northwest border of the Ming Dynasty will appear again, then won't we dig a hole for ourselves? ”

Shi Feng looked at the dumb colleagues beside him, and suddenly said to Chongzhen with a smile: "Your Majesty Shengming, what Your Majesty said just now is exactly what Lao Cheng said for the country.

The minister thought that Sun Kaiyang was good at border affairs, and after the war, he was a very suitable candidate to encircle the various departments of Guanwai Mongolia and deter the Chahar department, and there was really no need to send another person to deal with post-war affairs.

However, the Chahar Department is in the midst of a new defeat, and only one part of the Datong Border Army needs to be able to deter it. If you continue to camp Datong, Xuanfu and other border armies outside the pass, I am afraid that the two border towns will be empty for a long time, and some disasters will arise.

The minister thought that it would be better to leave a capable army in Fengchuan to monitor the Mongolian departments outside the Guanwai, and withdraw most of them to Datong and Xuanfu, so as to enrich the defense of Datong-Xuanfu, and secondly, to reduce the distance of military supplies and materials, so as to reduce the civilian strength of the border areas. ”

Huang Liji hesitated, and also proposed to Chongzhen again: "Shi Cunmei is right, if Your Majesty is worried that the affairs between the Mongolian ministries will make waves again after Sun Kaiyang leaves, then it is better to let Sun Kaiyang sit in Datong."

As for mediating the conflict between the Mongolian right-wing ministries and the Chahar ministry, and disseminating the matter of Wanghua to the right-wing ministry, this is, after all, a civil affair rather than a military matter, and the minister thought that it would be better for the cabinet to arrange appropriate officials to carry it out.

However, the power of this wartime base camp was too great, and the minister still insisted that it should be removed as soon as possible, which is also the way to the long-term peace and stability of the country. ”

Several cabinet ministers headed by Huang Liji always insisted on disbanding the wartime base camp as soon as possible and transferring a few elite soldiers back to their original places.

They were obviously unwilling to let a prestigious Wenchen like Sun Kaiyang have in his hands a powerful force capable of defeating the Mongol army.

They are also unwilling to let the military ministers have a tendency to take advantage of the opportunity. On this issue, even Xu Guangqi and Guo Yunhou, who have always been on Chongzhen's side in the past, chose to remain silent.

Zhu Youzhen, who was isolated in front of the ministers, had to choose a compromise, and he agreed to order the abolition of the wartime base camp, but he had to wait for the entire wartime base camp to return to the capital.

Because the wartime base camp could only be revoked after returning to the capital, several ministers also had to approve that Sun Chengzong led the wartime base camp and part of the army to return to the capital at the same time.

However, in this way, the cabinet's attempt to downplay the main credit of Sun Chengzong and the wartime base camp to this victory is mostly meaningless.

As far as Zhu Youzhen was concerned, in order to establish the independent status of the wartime base camp, the general staff headquarters, and other operational command organs, he had to take the risk of letting Sun Chengzong return to Beijing with the main personnel of the base camp.

And let Yuan Chonghuan and Mao Yuanyi stay in Datong, while rectifying the border army, while monitoring the movements of various departments in Guanwai Mongolia.

In addition, Zhu Youzhen also agreed to Yang Jingchen, the emissary proposed by Huang Liji and Zhang Ruitu to negotiate post-war negotiations with the Chahar Department and the right-wing Mongolian departments.

Similarly, the cabinet also admitted that Liu Jingting, the envoy who had previously negotiated with Lin Dan Khan as an envoy of the Ming Dynasty, would serve as Yang Jingchen's deputy. Both of them had the right to report directly to the imperial court in their dealings with the Mongol ministries.

Although Liu Jingting's background is too low compared to Yang Jingchen, because the time of Liu Jingting's envoy is unpredictable, there are no officials in the DPRK who are willing to go.

Therefore, now, several ministers are embarrassed to directly deprive Liu Jingting of his status as an envoy, so they have to acquiesce to Chongzhen's opinion.

After disposing of these cumbersome post-war affairs, Zhu Youzhen asked casually to these ministers who were still discussing things: "The war outside Datong Pass is over, and it is time to announce the good news to the people of the world, and it will be done according to the previous rules."

Now I want to ask all gentlemen, should I also understand this matter in Henan by the way? ”