Zou Yuzuo, Zhang Yunru, Liu Sixuan, Wang Shoulu, Qian Shisheng, and Qian Yuanyu stood up at the last court meeting in the first year of Chongzhen, and their criticism was nothing more than three major events, opposing Chongzhen's strengthening of the army's construction, opposing Chongzhen's advocacy of new learning, and opposing the prohibition of China's meddling in commercial and commercial tax reforms.

Most of these officials are speech officials, and most of them are below the fifth rank, although not all of them are Donglin Party members, but most of them are officials from the south.

In Chongzhen's view, these officials have finally learned from the experience of their failure in the struggle between the DPRK and China over the past year. This impeachment did not talk about a gentleman and a villain, nor did it point the finger at a certain ruling cabinet minister, but directly targeted the policies pursued by the cabinet.

There are about 3 or 40 officials who have come forward to echo them, less than one-twentieth of the people who participated in the court meeting, and compared with the scene when Wei Zhongxian stepped down last year and stood up to impeach him at the court meeting, it is really a bit cold.

Standing below Chongzhen, the head of the ministers, Huang Liji on the left side of His Majesty, glanced at these officials who stood up to criticize the government, and carefully looked up at the emperor seated above, he was quite strange in his heart, why is Chongzhen so calm today, and he has not stopped these officials until now.

After feeling his bad prediction, Zhu Youzhen relaxed his somewhat uneasy mood.

Over the course of the year, he had tried his best to avoid a head-on confrontation with the Donglin Party, who were inclined to the southern gentry, not because he was afraid of them.

It's just that he has just ascended the throne, and before he has mastered the military, financial and personnel power of the imperial court, he can only rely on his own emperor name.

Although Zhu Youzhen was dissatisfied with the policy of "monarchs, ministers, fathers, and sons" from the beginning. But what is more ironic is that this set of ethics is often the most powerful weapon that he uses to win over officials to balance the government when he has just come to power.

After mastering the army of Gyeonggi and reorganizing the Inner Palace, Dongchang and Jinyiwei, even the former British Duke could not allocate a company of force in the Beijing camp.

The establishment of the central bank finally allowed him to bypass the Jiangnan gentry and local officials, and establish a commercial material transportation channel, through which materials from all parts of Jiangnan could be directly transported to the capital or other places.

When the first year of Chongzhen was coming to an end, at least in the area north of the Yellow River, especially in the capital, Zhu Youzhen had completely controlled the situation. And half of the troops in the Nine Sides are already completely under the control of the General Staff and the Military Department.

In the face of such a situation, as long as these Jiangnan gentry do not erect the banner of rebellion, they will no longer be able to help him politically, and at most they will only be left with saliva attacks, just like the policy of jumping out of the court to attack the court at the court meeting today.

Therefore, Chongzhen, who has no worries, can also listen to what these officials want to do, and he did not interrupt these officials at all, just to see how many people in the current court are against him.

Because Chongzhen remained silent during the attacks on the government by these officials, most of the officials were in a wait-and-see mode, and no one came out to refute these attacks.

But when these officials pointed the finger at Xinxue, a group of officials finally couldn't help it, took a step ahead of Chongzhen, and spontaneously jumped out to counter these officials' slander against Xinxue.

Wang Zheng, Sun Yuanhua, Qu Shiqi, Li Tianjing, Jin Sheng, and other officials who were already the backbone of Xinxue vigorously refuted their arguments that Xinxue was nothing more than a trick and that Catholicism was a cult that corrupted people's hearts.

These officials, who admired the new learning, and were attracted by the profound knowledge and personal conduct of the Jesuit priests, immediately gave a large number of data to prove the benefits of the use of the new learning in hydraulics, astronomy, and military affairs.

And as these officials who advocate new learning, citing detailed data and rigorous logical reasoning to stand up for refutation, the officials who are only good at quoting scriptures and classics for criticism suddenly become a little strong.

But after Xu Guangqi served as the secretary of the ministry, whether he wanted to or not, because of his special position, some officials in the court would inevitably gather around him.

As a scholar who wants to borrow the West's understanding of the world to transform the Ming Dynasty and try to find a way to save the decadent morale and learning style of the Ming Dynasty, Xu Guangqi spares no effort in the implementation of the new school.

This also caused the officials who wanted to get close to the official department to more or less show their love for Xinxue. Perhaps many of these officials are just a ladder to climb up.

But with the current atmosphere of the Ming Dynasty, since you have chosen a side, you must stand on the position of a certain side to speak. People who go back on their word or are two-faced will not be able to get along in the Ming Dynasty.

In particular, these Donglin Party members acted the most extremely, and after being regarded as enemies by them, it was quite difficult to take off this hat. Since it is a death to surrender or not, these officials who usually surround Xu Guangqi can only stand up. Just like the predecessors of the Donglin Party officials who defected to the Eunuch Party back then.

What's more, now that the emperor has not spoken out, the officials who support Xinxue may not lose, rather than being looked down upon by these officials who stand up to refute each other afterwards, it is better to stand up and fight now, maybe it can be held in the heart of Secretary Xu Shang.

As a result, the political attack launched by the southern officials and the Donglin party soon turned into an academic debate about the new learning and Tongli.

Although when the Jesuits entered China as missionaries, the first to receive the knowledge of natural sciences and Catholic doctrine brought by the missionaries were scholars from the south, while the number of scholars from the north was small.

However, when Chongzhen ascended the throne, changed the name of Guozijian to Yenching University, and separated the knowledge of natural sciences from the religious propaganda of the Jesuits, the scholars in the north who accepted the new learning quickly surpassed the scholars in the south.

When the controversy between the new schools and the same science began, it soon became a dispute between the north and the south because of the majority of the officials on both sides.

At this time, the nobles who had always hoped that they would not dare to intervene, and after seeing that the political and academic problems had become regional contradictions, they immediately relied on their own origins in the capital and shouted a few words, which could be regarded as a solidarity with the northern scholars.

The voices of these nobles immediately made many officials who had not yet joined the controversy look sideways. For many years, except for a few nobles, it was the first time that they saw the nobles as a group express their inclinations towards the controversy in the court.

Li Chengzuo, Marquis of Fengcheng, looked at the strange gazes of the civil officials on the opposite side, and immediately turned his eyes away, and went to study the carved dragon golden pillar on one side.

In fact, these nobles did not want to get involved in the struggle between civil and civil officials, especially when it came to political and academic debates. But who let these officials from the south point the finger at the industries under the name of the inner government.

Whether it is coal, iron or textiles, the inner government is the largest shareholder, so the shares held by these nobles are ranked second and third. And what is not on par with them is the gentry and wealthy families in the Gyeonggi area.

These southerners want to drive the inner government out of these industries, so what will happen to their investment? Let's not talk about who will let these enterprises run after the withdrawal of the Inner Government, that is, the Inner Government is really going to withdraw, and the emperor is willing to suffer? What if the government simply hollows out these industries?

These nobles may not care if the Ming Dynasty wants to build a new school, but they must first ensure that their property is not lost.

And Shoufu Huang Liji, who had also been silent, looked at the increasingly chaotic scene in the hall, and finally couldn't help but come out to speak.

In fact, Huang Liji was still thinking about how to deal with the attacks of these officials, after all, most of these policies were promulgated by him in the name of the cabinet chief, and if these policies are proven to be wrong, then his chief assistant will obviously not be able to continue.

But he was also unwilling, and when the other party did not name and attack him, he took the initiative to stand up and argue with these officials. After all, these officials are all low-level officials, and there must be high-level instructions from the top of the Donglin Party behind them.

Huang Liji hopes to first recognize who instructed these officials to set off this political struggle, and it is best for the other party to take the initiative to stand up, so that he can have a target to attack, rather than expanding this incident into a war between him and the entire Donglin Party.

However, what he didn't think about was that when he hesitated to observe, the officials close to Xu Guangqi would stand up and fight back first, while his protégés and cronies were still waiting for his instructions.

This situation suddenly surprised him a little, and the people he had always been wary of in the cabinet were Guo Yunhou, the secretary of the household department, and Zhang Ruitu, who was quite popular.

He has always believed that only these two people are likely to empty the power of their own first assistant, after all, the former has more and more power in the household department, and the latter has been supporting his own henchmen.

But he never regarded Xu Guangqi, who was second only to him in the cabinet, as a political opponent. After all, although this is a scholar of the ministry, he has always focused on the study of new learning and the new calendar.

Huang Liji believes that this Xu Shangshu is about enough to be a scholar, but as an official, he still lacks a little desire for power.

However, today, it seems that this official who has no sense of existence in the cabinet has quietly cultivated a large force.

And unlike his protégés and cronies who can only make promises, these officials who support Xu Guangqi obviously have good knowledge. Compared with the Donglin Party, which has always boasted of gathering talents, it is not weaker than the inferior party.

Although Huang Liji was thinking about irrelevant things in his heart, he saluted Chongzhen above His Majesty Dan with a very solemn face and said: "Your Majesty, the court meeting is a place for serious discussions, and these officials have no consciousness of being courtiers in front of the saints, and they don't even care about the court class between arguments, which is really a loss of the minister's dignity."

The minister asked His Majesty to order the rectification of the imperial history and the rectification of the dynasty and discipline, and those who dared to talk nonsense again should be driven out of the palace. As for the contents of the letters written by these officials, the minister, as the head of the cabinet, did not dare to refute them, and asked His Majesty to investigate them and make a holy judgment..."