Chapter Seventy-Eight: The Conflict Continues
(1st Update)
Not only Soviet veterans like Ivauri, but also many of those who went to voluntarily stop the opposition demonstrations were subjected to verbal abuse, physical attacks, and even pushing, and injuries. Feeling weak, the crowd turned their attention to Moscow, and for the first time they fervently longed for the Soviet government to come out and do justice for them.
And in South Ossetia and the Abkhaz settlements, even more terrible things continued, Georgians incited by ultranationalists gathered in Abkhazia, where they slandered and distorted the so-called "bestiality" of the Abkhaz people in Georgia, and then the angry crowd began to gather and call for brutal "revenge" against the Abkhazians, and the thugs were reborn in the streets, beating and smashing along the way, the houses of the Abkhazians were burned, and the women were holding their children, Standing in front of the burning house, he cried out heartbreakingly.
The police officers sent from the district police station tried to stop the angry young people, but the rioters increased and eventually reached about several thousand, and the weak police force could not do anything about it. Rioters continued to loot and loot in the four suburbs, looting and fearing the homes of South Ossetians and Abkhazians until they threw burning torches and Motorov cocktails through windows and set their houses on fire.
The Abkhaz authorities took urgent measures to evacuate a number of people to the building of the district party committee, sheltered several hundred elderly Abkhaz people, women, children and the disabled, and set up temporary shelters in the hall of the district party committee. The frenzied mob had already begun to be dissatisfied with burning down the houses, the crowd launched a real assault on the district party building, demanding that all the ethnic Abkhazians be handed over, and when Kadyrov, the first secretary of the district party committee and chairman of the district executive committee, found it impossible to hold the district party building, in order to delay the mob attack, he voluntarily stood up and proposed to take himself hostage and try to negotiate with the Georgians outside the door.
When the people around him advised Kadyrov not to take this unworthy risk, he just turned his head and smiled at the old and weak women and children behind him, hoping to calm them down, his woodpole swept over every frightened face, and comforted them as calmly as possible, "I am a member of the Communist Party, and I must be at the forefront when there is danger and ensure the safety of everyone present." Believe me, the police and the army will come to your rescue, don't be afraid. ”
It takes courage to make such a choice among a group of leaders who are greedy for life and fear death, and he naturally knows what happens when he falls into the hands of those people. The middle-aged Abkhaz man glanced back at the person behind him who wanted to protect, then raised his hands and walked towards the Georgian holding a torch outside the door without hesitation, shouting loudly in Georgian, "Don't be impulsive, I am the first secretary of the district party committee, and I have come to negotiate with you." ”
Kadyrov's apparent identity did not help him in the slightest, and someone in the crowd suddenly shouted to burn the Georgian traitor. The angry thugs grabbed Kadyrov by the collar, pinned him to the ground, punched and kicked him.
"I can beat me, but don't embarrass the old people and children inside." Kadyrov held his head and let them kick him hard, his faint pleas drowned out by the crowd's shouting slogans.
Kadyrov ended up humiliated, and the crowd threatened to tear him apart and then burn all the Abkhazians inside. Kadyrov, who had a blue nose and swollen face, still tried to persuade these people without humbleness, but Kadyrov got a combination of punches and kicks, swollen eyes, and five knocked out teeth.
The riots continued, and it was as if the non-Georgian people of Georgia had entered the coldest moment before dawn.
In an even more heinous crime, the young thugs stopped a car containing four ethnic Abkhaz, including a girl under the age of 16, who had fled from the rioted village of Orazi, and beat them up and then set fire to the car. A group of brutes brutally abused the girl for hours, and then dragged the four men, who were half dead and dying, into the field and tied them up, and for fear of being identified afterwards, they simply doused them with gasoline and burned them alive.
When Ryzhkov heard the news of the riots, he immediately put down his work and was the first to volunteer to fly to the refugee area, even if it had not yet calmed down. He has been the first to appear on the front lines of the disaster area every time such a scene has occurred since the events in Ferghana in Uzbekistan, and if the Soviet people have any recollection, they will vaguely remember that three years ago, when the riots took place, the front page of the newspaper Oriental Pravda carried two photographs, one of a smiling Gorbachev waving to the Germans from a balcony in Bonn, and the other of Ryzhkov standing in front of the burned house of the Mesheti people in Ferghana, shocked by the desolate scene before him.
Surrounded by women and children, and with a mournful cry, Ryzhkov arrived at the barracks gate of the camp, where the Abkhaz council was waiting to negotiate with him.
"Has the Motherland abandoned us? Abandoned us Abkhazians? ”
The first words of the women's deputy's mouth made Ryzhkov feel a pang of distress for no reason, he shook his head, and said with difficulty, "No. ”
"Then why didn't anyone save us when the Georgians said they were going to kill us three years ago during the riots in Tbilisi? So why did the same riot happen three years later, and the same no one came to save us? The woman's tone was calm, but her words were like sharp knives piercing Ryzhkov's chest.
Three years ago, it was indeed Gorbachev's deliberate inaction that led to the Tbilisi incident sliding into an irretrievable abyss, but today, three years later, it is the differences of opinion within the central leadership that have delayed the rescue.
He was tempted to tell the women that Moscow is doing everything it can to rescue you, but in the end Ryzhkov just rolled his throat and barely squeezed a sorry sentence out of his mouth.
The woman shook her head, even though she lost her five-year-old child in the riots, she still replied calmly, "I don't need an answer from the motherland, I just hope that Moscow will stand up and give a just verdict for those of us who died innocently, which the motherland owes us." ”
"We have to send troops in to maintain stability, and we can't wait any longer." After returning from the refugee camp, Ryzhkov replied to the inquiries of the Moscow authorities almost with a roar, knowing that every riot was a symptom of the declining Soviet tide and the loss of popular morale.
And in Moscow, Yanayev threw Ryzhkov's report and the photos taken at the scene at an emergency meeting of the Central Committee, and said to the solemn people in front of him, "Every second of delay there are countless tragedies like this, dead people, massacres, are you sure you want to continue to do this and sit silently protesting, and then watch innocent people die?" ”
There was silence in the chamber, no one agreeing or disagreeing, and after the meeting was convened Yanayev revealed to everyone his full plan to deal with the member states, only the sound of heavy breathing could be heard. I dare not say that I agree because the plan is too crazy, and I dare not oppose it because even if I did, Yanayev would not listen.
As if he didn't care about the feelings at the scene, Yanayev directly gave an order to the commander-in-chief of the special operation of the Caucasus Military District on the other end of the phone, General Rogionov, "Now you immediately send troops into Georgia, and I will let the troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia assist you, and from now on you will be the commander-in-chief of the Caucasian Military District, yes, until I declare the end of martial law." ”
"If, as the General Secretary said, there is an armed conflict, how can those problems be resolved?" This was the only concern of General Rogionov. The people of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were more experienced in dealing with riots than he was, and in the event of an armed conflict, he needed Yanayev's authorization.
Yanayev also knew this, so he deliberately shouted to Rogionov in front of everyone, "If there are really civilians in front of you, run over them directly with armored vehicles." They are not the people we defend, but the enemies of the Soviets! Traitors to communism! ”
Yanayev and Rogionov had already developed a blitzkrieg plan behind everyone's backs, and the target of the plan was the president of Georgia, Zvyad. Address the root causes of unrest by the most expeditious means.
"President Yanayev, if we do this, we will face moral reproach, and the West is planning to find an excuse to attack our human rights issues." Schannin said worriedly.
"Then let the West criticize and condemn it verbally. Since the founding of the Soviet Union, they have not attacked our human rights issue, when have their newspapers not distorted us, we have just suppressed these counter-revolutionaries, we are so merciless and inhumane, why? NATO has said so much, but it is sending planes and tanks to liberate it! ”
Yanayev was as indignant as he was at the leaders of the three Baltic states, and he was so indignant at the nationalist extremism of the member states that he almost put his hand on the button of a nuclear suitcase and threatened the inhuman brutes.
"Anyone who wants to break our unbreakable alliance will be judged by communism!"
The angry eyes burn with the flames of hatred, which will eventually burn those troubled enemies to ashes!
"We will not forgive, and we will not forget!"