After entering 1917, the zhèngjú in Russia began to be emerging, and the routine rebellion of Tsar Diqiao's ** ministers finally angered the people in Russia. As a result, there were large-scale demonstrations of fathers and workers in various parts of Russia to commemorate the "liúxuè week" that took place in the old G year.

In Petrograd, the capital of Tsarist Russia, the Bolsheviks in Russia grew rapidly with the help of the turmoil at home, and the Bolsheviks multiplied several times in just a few months. In response to the call of the Bolsheviks, the workers held dad-workers and demonstrations, chanting "Fight the war!" "Bread and Peace! slogan. This operation became a prelude to the February Revolution.

On March 5, 1917 (February 20 in the Russian calendar, three days before the February Revolution in the original time and space), about 130,000 men and women workers in 50 factories in Petrograd held a march, kicking off the February Revolution. The next day, the crowd that participated in the demonstration increased to Blademan.

Under the leadership of the Bolshevik dǎng, the workers involved in the work began to mobilize the various workers, and a joint general work of 300,000 people was held in the capital's major factories. Tsar Nicholas II was frightened by the revolutionary wind, and he ordered to quickly restore order in the capital by any means. The arrest of the leaders of the Bolshevik Petrograd Committee and more than a hundred other revolutionary activists provoked great outrage among the masses. He marched on the streets to protest against his father's line. The Tsar, at the suggestion of Rasputin, finally raised his hand, and the masses of the procession were even more brutally suppressed, and the whole procession became a Shura hell, and thousands of people were injured in the sǐ of the father's work. For a time, the terror enveloped the entire Tsarist Russia. The Bolsheviks led the people to this situation, and in order not to let the good revolutionary situation be buried like this, they decisively decided to turn the general workers into an armed uprising and overthrow the Tsar's palace.

Under the leadership of the Bolshevik Dǎng, the workers immediately took action, stormed the junfire depot, seized the qiāng bomb yào, and built barricades to fight the reactionary junjǐng. At the same time, the workers also actively carried out the work of winning over the Jun team, and under the propaganda and inspiration of the workers, tens of thousands of people openly sided with the revolution. Together with the insurrectionary workers, they seized the Tsar's nest, the Winter Palace and the Zhèng Palace, and arrested the Tsar's ministers and generals. Tsar Nicholas II fled from St. Petersburg under the protection of Rasputin.

The uprising in the capital was completely victorious. Nicholas II was not reconciled to his defeat and immediately moved troops from the front in an attempt to recapture the capital. On the orders of the tsar, three hundred thousand men were quickly assembled, and then the Great Jun advanced towards St. Petersburg. The Tsar was full of confidence, believing that with these powers, he could eliminate those revolutionaries who dared to fight back.

But things turned out so that Tsar Nicholas II felt that it was so difficult to take over. The 300,000 Tsarist Russian troops were quickly defeated by the instigation of the Bar City Vik Dǎng. The rest were either defeated by the Bolluvik forces or dispersed of their own accord.

The Tsar's hundreds of thousands of great juniors were dismantled so easily, which made him panic. The capital was already surrounded by a dispatch of junks, and the Bolshevik junks could hit here at any moment and take the tsar prisoner.

The most unbearable thing for Nicholas II was that the royalists, after seeing that the Tsar was gone, turned into bourgeois revolutionaries and became fellow revolutionists. The Russian bourgeoisie is inextricably linked with the feudal forces, and it is a counter-revolutionary class that fears the proletariat more than the reactionaries. Many of them were royalists, and they only demanded the establishment of Xiàn and the division of the zhèng spring with the tsar, and did not want to fundamentally overthrow the tsarist system. But now that the revolutionary wave has taken shape, they have become fellow travelers of the revolution in order not to be ruled by the proletariat. Immediately after the Bolsheviks successfully led the uprising in the capital, they set about setting up a Provisional Committee of the National Duma in an attempt to seize the spring first. They also sent Yayi, Guchkov and the Duma to Pskov to negotiate with the Tsar in a vain attempt to preserve the monarchy. Shurgen and Guchkov went so far as to suggest to the Tsar that the only way to save the dynasty was to transfer the supreme administration to someone else. Feeling that the tide was turning, Nicholas II finally decided to abdicate in favor of his younger brother Mikhail. After confirming the safety of his life, Nicholas II finally signed the declaration of abdication, and at the request of Guchkov and Shurgen, signed the edict appointing Duke Lvov of Liànmín zhǔdǎng as chairman of the Council of Ministers and Nikolai Nikolayevich as supreme commander-in-chief.

The deception of the bourgeoisie-dominated Provisional Committee of the Provisional Committee of the Duma did not succeed despite the strong protests of the Bolshevik leadership and the people. And Nicholas II's younger brother Mikhail did not have the strength to ascend to the throne, but was arrested under the revolutionary wave.

As for fate, I don't know if it was decided by qiāng like the original time and space. After all, history has changed, and no one knows what will happen to the fate of individuals. The failure of the bourgeoisie to seize the spring also proved that the real power of St. Petersburg was on the side of the Soviets. Moreover, the vital departments of the national organs, such as the telegraph, the radio, the station, the railway, etc., were in the hands of the Soviets. The Provisional Committee of the Home Duma did not even have a place to print a statement. Without the consent of the Soviets, it was impossible for the bourgeoisie to set up its own zhèng government.

The bourgeois deputies, seeing the present situation, were so anxious that the Provisional Committee of the Home Duma proposed to the Soviet Executive Committee that negotiations be held on the establishment of a new government. The Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries who had usurped the leadership of the Soviets pursued a capitulationist line and catered to the demands of the bourgeoisie. The Mensheviks were a minority who practiced opportunism and sought to limit the scope of the revolution. They believed that the rightful masters after the overthrow of tsarism could only be the bourgeoisie, and that the Soviets could only exert pressure on the bourgeoisie to push it to the left. The Bolsheviks opposed the surrender of the Zhèng spring to the bourgeoisie. The Bolshevik deputy, Molotov, on behalf of the Bolsheviks, criticized the plan of the Soviet Executive Committee to reach an agreement with the deputies of the Duma, and proposed that the Soviets establish a provisional revolutionary zhèng government.

In order to achieve their own ends, the Mensheviks did not hesitate to attack the proletariat as a "scattered and unorganized ......" force, advocated the use of the bourgeoisie to consolidate the victory over tsarism, and deceived some Soviet deputies. As a result, the Soviets adopted the recommendations of the Executive Committee by a majority and handed over the Zhèng Spring to the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie finally snatched the great spring from the Bolsheviks. It was just that the Bolsheviks did not trust it, and therefore the Bolshevik Committee was not dissolved. This resulted in two zhèng springs in St. Petersburg of Tsarist Russia than you jú face.

Although the bourgeoisie was in control of the Zhèng Spring, the Bolsheviks were not weak, and the Bolsheviks urgently telegraphed Lenin, the leader outside the country, to return to the country, and at the same time the other Soviet leaders who had been released were also urgently called back. Things are here, and they are no different from the original history.

But the abdicated Tsar Nicholas II, who was supposed to be captured by him, disappeared from sight, and by the time the Bolsheviks found out that something was wrong and acted again, there was no shadow of the Tsar.

Of course, they knew what the hidden danger of the Tsar's disappearance was, after all, this family was only in the St. Petersburg region, and the rest of the vast area was still under the Tsar's rule. Faced with this situation, both the Bolsheviks and the bourgeois provisional government were somewhat confused. Under the leadership of the Soviets, the bourgeois provisional prime minister, Geye, Lvov, issued the order for an armistice at the front. At the same time, the Bolsheviks and the bourgeoisie simultaneously launched an operation to seize the spring of the Tsarist army. After all, there is a tsar, the jun team is synonymous with instability, there are many people in this family who hate the tsar, but there are also many people who support the tsar, it is precisely because of this understanding that the bourgeoisie, which originally had the intention of continuing the world war, also rarely agreed with the opinion of the Soviets, controlled the bīng force in their hands, and prepared to deal with the tsar's next counterattack.

After all, Nicholas II would never be resigned to defeat, and in addition, the monarchy agreed by the bourgeoisie was difficult to achieve, and Prince Mikhail, who was expected to inherit the position of tsar, was also imprisoned. The tsar's counterattack became almost a fact. No one can guarantee that the gains of the revolution will be preserved in victory. Tsarist Russia was a strong country, but at the same time it was a feudal country, the serfs in the country would still carry out the tsar's orders to the letter, and the workers and cultured people were mostly concentrated in the big cities, which were the main forces of the revolution. However, the number of serfs far outnumbered the workers, and if the tsar had taken control of the serfs, the hope of victory of the revolution would have been extremely slim. Whether it was the Soviet or the bourgeois provisional zhèng house, their existence was based on the Romanov dynasty of the Miè kings. Now that Nicholas II is not sǐ, the Romanov dynasty has a chance to make a comeback.

And where did Nicholas II, who made the provisional bourgeoisie of Tsarist Russia and the Soviets so jealous, go?

After Nicholas II announced the edict of abdication, he contacted his ** minister Rasputin, a peasant-born courtier, although he was a liar, but it is undeniable that he really has some means. Not only did he have a heartfelt army, but he also had contacts with many local ministers under the Tsar's command, although these feudal officials often used his status to gain benefits, and they did not look down on him as a courtier in essence. But now the situation is different. Rasputin succeeded in rescuing the Tsar and preserving the Romanov dynasty, no matter who he was before, in the eyes of the royalists, he was already a dynastic hero. Rasputin also enjoyed it all. They had already contacted the Governor of the Caucasus, Dèng Nigin. Dèng Nikin had raised 400,000 and was ready to march west to King Qin to suppress the rebellion in St. Petersburg. For a time, the February Revolution, which should have been easily succeeded, changed, and no one could guess what the fate of Russia would go to.

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