Chapter 215: Structure (17)
"As long as the Germans kill more British, French, and Americans, this will be the greatest help to us." Chen Ke originally thought that he should be justified when he said this, but it was rare, he felt a little weak. It's not that I'm morally guilty, but I think it's redundant.
This is indeed the case, and after Chen Ke finished speaking, the Politburo Standing Committee members immediately showed relieved expressions. The question then moves on to the next stage: how can China get the most out of implementing this choice?
"Germany will certainly not be able to give us anything." Chen Tianhua understands this very clearly.
"Try not to let the Entente know what we have done, whether we have set up a foreign intelligence agency." Qi Huishen, who has a deep background in the People's Internal Affairs Committee, put forward quite a professional viewpoint.
"Is it a commercial bribery?" Because of the implementation of rectification and three anti-reversals within the party, You Wei quickly thought of more specific implementation methods.
"Is it a private exchange of more military technology with Germany?" Shang Yuan also said with his usual steady attitude.
In short, when it comes to future events, all of them show a lot of stability.
"The question is, what is Germany going to do next?" Chen Ke, of course, probably knew the course of the First World War. Even though the current World War is quite different from the First World War in history, Chen Ke knows that if the American army is going to fight in Europe, the Germans will inevitably have to fight to the death with the Americans.
Germany had no choice but to attack, and in fact in 1918 Germany really launched an offensive with all its might, and it was at that time that the reputation of the Storm Commando was established. After training in 1917, Chen Ke had reason to believe that the German Storm Commandos were able to do better.
After discussions, the People's Party ultimately rejected the intention to provide pharmaceutical support to Germany. This is not because the Standing Committee does not support the bloodshed of war, but because the BJP has no experience in how to carry out these activities. If it's profitable, do it. Having provided Germany with these techniques for the synthesis of drugs at a time when it was unprofitable, Britain and France must have seen the bad intentions of the People's Party. At this time, there is only one step away from reaping the fruits of war victory, and excessive pursuit of profit maximization is often counterproductive.
In the end, the result of the foreign negotiations was a strategic policy of "stabilizing Europe, taking an offensive against Russia, and trying to digest the South, especially Cambodia."
The People's Party defined its own strategy, and Soviet representative Berkov was also analyzing the attitude of the People's Party towards the world, especially towards the nascent Soviets. Comrade Lenin repeatedly stressed that "turning the imperialist war into a civil war" means that the revolution should be completed in the whole of Russia through the situation of the First World War. As for nationalism, Comrade Lenin has always been extremely opposed. Before Berkov's visit to China, Lenin asked Berkov to carefully observe the nature of the People's Party.
Without even looking too closely, Berkov understood that the People's Party was determined to take the ship of the Entente and join the ranks of imperialism. However, after talking with Chen Ke, Berkov did not dare to rashly classify the People's Party of China as simply the ranks of imperialism.
The Bolsheviks of the Communist Party had two views on China, the first being that the BJP was not too powerful and was simply making the most of the current situation for its own benefit. The second is that the People's Party can defeat Japan in northeast China on its own, and it is a very powerful party. Regardless of their position on China, the Bolsheviks of the United Communist Party acknowledged that China had been ravaged by foreign powers for nearly a century, and that Russia was the country that had annexed the most Chinese territory. It is simply unrealistic to expect that China will have a favorable attitude towards Russia. Comrade Lenin repeatedly asked Berkov to judge whether the People's Party had strong nationalist sentiments.
After observation, Berkov found that Chen Ke, the chairman of the People's Party, had great prestige and control in the party, and Chen Ke did not mention the topic of nationalism, which could have proved that Chen Ke was not interested in nationalism. But when Berkov deliberately touched on the issue of nationalism, Chen Ke always cleverly avoided all discussion of nationalism. This cannot but make Berkov feel afraid.
Berkov did not know that there is a Chinese saying that "a dog that bites does not bark", nor does he know that "a dumb mosquito bites a person to death", but it is not impossible for a person who can avoid talking about all the topics of the national question to be a person without nationalist sentiments. Such a conversation gave Berkov a great sense of crisis.
During his observations along the way, Berkov saw a China with a constant flow of motorized boats on the Yangtze River, and a China full of buildings and wide streets. It is also a China with tall chimneys everywhere along the Yangtze River. Russia is not an industrial power in Europe, and the situation in the countryside is not much stronger than that of China. Seeing an "industrialized China" that was completely different from the ignorant and backward China that was widely spread in Europe, Berkov felt that the basic understanding of China by the Bolsheviks of the United Communist Party was very wrong. An industrialized China, a China with a population of more than 400 million, is by no means an adversary that can be easily dealt with. Not to mention that the leader of this opponent is a figure like Chen Ke.
There was also a "Russian consulate" in Wuhan, but it was the consulate of Tsarist Russia, not the consulate of the nascent Soviet power, and Berkov did not want to have anything to do with those people. Whether to rush back to Russia now, or to continue to stay in China to conduct a basic investigation. Berkov made a difficult judgment in his mind. In the end, Berkov decided to stay in Wuhan, the current capital of the People's Party, for a few more days to take a closer look at the strength of the People's Party. He thinks that even if the possibility is extremely smiling, it is still necessary to ask the BJP to visit the BJP's factories to see what kind of industrial power the BJP has.
As Berkov expected, he applied the next day, and on the third day he received a reply agreeing. It seems that the People's Party really wanted to show its strength to the representatives of the Bolsheviks of the Communist Party.
Originally, the first stop of the two sides was the port of Wuhan, but the People's Party temporarily changed its mind. This intrigued Berkov, and he sent other comrades to the port of Wuhan to see what was going on. What is the reason why the BJP does not want people to see their port. That evening, after returning from a tour of the People's Party's Wuhan railway system, Berkov's comrades told him that "three warships full of servicemen were heading west for the upper reaches of the Yangtze River." ”