Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This question is the first question of the revolution.

Whether it is Wang Youhong of Jiangsu or Wu Xiangyu and Ji Ye of the People's Party, once they consider foreign relations, this sentence will definitely pop up first. Ji Ye has already quit the Restoration Society, joined the People's Party, and is now the chairman of the Zhejiang Women's Federation. Most of the young comrades of the Zhejiang West Branch of the Liberation Society made such a choice. However, Xu Xilin and Qiu Jin are still in the Restoration Society, and now Xu Xilin is the chairman of the Restoration Association, and Qiu Jin is the vice chairman. The Liberation Conference is also the first registered democratic political party officially recognized by the People's Party in New China.

The Constitution stipulates that the people have the right to assemble, demonstrate, process, and form associations. As with freedom of expression, since this is a legal requirement and not an attribute that human beings are born with, the powers guaranteed by these laws are limited to the extent of the law.

For example, if you want to use the powers of assembly and procession guaranteed by law, you must first apply to the public security department. Only assemblies and processions approved by the public security department are legal processions, and those without application cannot be regarded as processions, but this is an action outside the scope of legal protection, and if the department enforcing the law believes that these actions outside the scope of legal protection affect the normal social order, then the law enforcement department can ban it in accordance with the law.

Since the law is the embodiment of the will of the ruling class, the ruling class naturally has the power to regulate and restrain it. This is very clear in the political textbooks that the People's Party has had since junior high school. Chen Ke has never been afraid that the people will understand this, he is only afraid that the people will not understand the naked and cruel social nature.

Therefore, the same is true for associations and parties, and anyone can apply to form a party, which is the right of the people. However, whether to approve or not to approve is the purview of the judiciary, and political party organizations approved by the judiciary can gain advantages within the scope of their authority under various laws. So far, the Restoration Society has been approved as a political party. Other self-proclaimed political parties are not absent, but they are all not registered, and any attempt to use government-owned venues to carry out activities in various places is not guaranteed.

Ji Ye is not a judicial speaker, and he is not interested in it. Her task this time is very simple, that is, as the deputy leader, to assist Wu Xiangyu in dealing with various applications that Jiangsu may make to the People's Party. The working group consists of six people, a team leader and a deputy leader, plus a recorder and witness, and three liaisons.

Ji Ye, who was born and died in her teens, scratched her head more about this matter, and what made her scratch her head even more was that Li Shouxian threw Ji Ye a copy of "The Communist Manifesto" and asked her to compare the situation in Jiangsu. The Communist Manifesto, a manuscript written by Marx for the Comintern, was first published in London in February 1848 as a single volume. By 1923 it was 75 years old. This has the flavor of turning over the old yellow calendar.

Ji Ye read it several times and felt quite confused. However, Wu Xiangyu has repeatedly studied this work, and it seems that he has benefited greatly. will not ask questions if you don't understand it, this is the basic way of work that the members of the People's Party adhere to, Ji Ye simply asked Wu Xiangyu what he knew.

Wu Xiangyu came up and drew a few paragraphs for Ji Ye.

In all historical epochs of the past, we can see almost everywhere that society is completely divided into different hierarchies, and we see that social status is divided into various levels. In ancient Rome, there were nobles, knights, commoners, slaves, and in the Middle Ages, there were feudal lords, courtiers, guild masters, helpers, serfs, and there were special classes within almost every class.

Modern bourgeois society, which emerged from the demise of feudal society, did not eliminate class antagonisms. It simply replaces the old with new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle.

But our time, the bourgeois age, has one characteristic: it simplifies class antagonisms. Society as a whole is increasingly divided into two hostile camps, into two classes that are directly opposed to each other: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

……

It follows that the modern bourgeoisie itself is the product of a long process of development, of a series of changes in the modes of production and exchange.

Each stage of this development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political progress. It was an oppressed hierarchy under feudal lordship, an armed and autonomous group in the commune, an independent city-republic in some places, and a tax-paying third estate in the monarchy in others; Later, in the period of workshop crafts, it was a rival to the aristocracy in a hierarchical or absolute monarchy, and the main basis of the great monarchy; Finally, from the time of the establishment of big industry and the world market, it seized exclusive political domination in the modern representative state. The modern state power is nothing more than a committee for the common affairs of the bourgeoisie as a whole.

The bourgeoisie has played a very revolutionary role in history.

The bourgeoisie has destroyed all feudal, patriarchal and pastoral relations where it has gained domination. It ruthlessly severed the feudal fetters that bound people to their natural superiority, and it made it impossible for people to have any other connection with each other than naked interests, except for the ruthless "cash transaction".

……

The French and English aristocracy, in accordance with their historical position, had the mission of writing works that attacked modern bourgeois society. In the July Revolution of 1830 in France and the reform movement in England, they were once again defeated by the hated nouveau riche. From then on, there can be no more serious political struggles. All they can do is fight over words. However, it is impossible to repeat the old tune of the Restoration period, even in terms of writing. In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy had to pretend as if they had no longer cared about their own interests, and only wrote an indictment against the bourgeoisie for the benefit of the exploited working class. The means they used to vent their anger were to sing songs that cursed their new ruler and to mumble to him some more or less sinister prophecies.

Thus came feudal socialism, half an elegy, half slander, half echo of the past, half intimidation of the future; It can sometimes strike at the heart of the bourgeoisie with spicy, playful and scathing comments, but it is always laughable because of its utter inability to understand the course of modern history.

In order to win over the people, the aristocracy waved the proletarian begging bag as a banner. But whenever the people followed them, they found that they had the old feudal coat of arms on their hips, so they laughed and scattered.

A part of the French orthodox faction and the "Young Britain" have acted in this play.

The feudal lords say that their methods of exploitation are different from those of the bourgeoisie, then they simply forget that they exploit themselves under completely different and now outdated circumstances and conditions. They say that the modern proletariat has not appeared under their rule, then they simply forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the inevitable product of their social system.

However, they make no secret of the reactionary nature of their criticism, and the main charge they accuse the bourgeoisie of is precisely the development of a class under the rule of the bourgeoisie that will blow up the whole old social system.

They reproach the bourgeoisie, not so much because it produces the proletariat, but because it produces the revolutionary proletariat.

……

Ji Ye has read these paragraphs, she has actually read them at least dozens of times, but she feels confused no matter how she reads them. What happened in Britain and France, Ji Ye didn't understand. Even if she looked at the materials of the People's Party, she only understood that there had been revolutions in Britain and France. Cromwell was killed in England once, and later after his death he was killed by the English aristocracy in turn. As for the French Revolution, it was you who sang and I appeared. From the beginning of the capture of the Bastille, Ji Ye can associate the killing of Louis XVI with the fall of the Manchus, but the Girondins, Jacobins, and Thermidorians were all killed after a marquee. In the end, the rise of Napoleon put an end to the turmoil in France.

It is easy for Ji Ye to associate this glorious figure in France with Chen Ke, who put an end to China's turmoil and brought China back to its glorious path. Although he can't say it in his mouth, if Chen Ke wants to be the emperor, Ji Ye will definitely raise his hands in agreement.

So Ji Ye didn't understand what Wu Xiangyu had seen.

Wu Xiangyu actually talked to Li Shouxian in private, and Li Shouxian asked Wu Xiangyu to "help educate my wife." "Born in Zhejiang's official eunuch and master family, Wu Xiangyu is free, smart and studious, and is willing to serve the country. Of course, he understood what Li Shouxian meant, this was neither to gild Ji Ye, nor to secretly calculate who to do, the existence of Ji Ye and other comrades was to protect Wu Xiangyu. Wu Xiangyu can be responsible for this matter alone, but without the proof of other comrades, whether Wu Xiangyu does a good job or not will cause too many discussions. After all, he's only a 25-year-old this year.

"Comrade Ji Ye, just a few paragraphs can clearly explain the current problems in Jiangsu." Wu Xiangyu patiently explained that the six-person group had gathered at this time, so Wu Xiangyu would not do stupid things to talk alone in the process of meeting and discussing.

Wang Youhong represents the traditional feudal power, no matter how Wang Youhong whitewashes himself, his power comes from military power and the inheritance of power under the feudal model of the governor of Jiangsu.

As for Yu Chen, he is the successor of power designated by Wang Youhong, and if there is no change, he will also be in the same vein as Wang Youhong.

However, Zhang Jian is different, he represents the emerging Jiangsu national bourgeoisie, which comes from within Wang Youhong's system, and while accepting Wang Youhong's protection, it is natural to expand the coverage of this new force. If you simply think that Zhang Jian is Wang Youhong's enemy, it is very wrong. The forces represented by Zhang Jian are not for their own interests to overthrow Wang Youhong, but for their own interests, but in order to survive, they are trying to grasp greater power. If Wang Youhong blocks this road, the forces represented by Zhang Jian will have to fight to the death with Wang Youhong and Wang Youhong's successor Yu Chen.

"If Wang Youhong and Yu Chen not only do not block the development of this class, but on the contrary merge with this class, then this class will bring Wang Youhong and Yu Chen into the position of Napoleon. Napoleon was able to get rid of all the other opponents, not because he proclaimed himself emperor, but because Napoleon promulgated the Code of Law, which established the bourgeois system of rule over France. Wu Xiangyu explained to his comrades.

"In other words, they are all doing it for their own interests!" Ji Ye connected his reflection on the Restoration Society with the reality of Jiangsu.

Whether or not you participated in the brutal revolution is the direct result of vision. Whether or not Ji Ye is able to understand foreign revolutions, or whether he can correctly link foreign revolutions with Chinese revolutions. But Ji Ye can know why he was born and died several times, and why his enemies and friends have been constantly changing. Cai Yuanpei and the gentry of Zhejiang have already let Ji Ye know this unforgettable.

But the other comrades grew up in the People's Party, and they may be able to understand the People's Party, but they cannot understand Wang Youhong.

Ji Ye frowned slightly and thought for a while, and tried to speak several times, but because he thought of Cai Yuanpei, he couldn't speak. In the end, she finally said: "Wang Youhong is not only not afraid of his own death, but he wants to use his death as an opportunity to change the dominant force in Jiangsu?" Is this man so powerful? ”

This time it was Wu Xiangyu's turn to frown slightly, under the heavy pressure of the People's Party, he was able to stand tall in the torrent of this era for nearly twenty years, and Wang Youhong was also a hero in troubled times. Prime Minister Li also revealed to Wu Xiangyu some of the central government's views on Wang Youhong and Jiangsu, and the central government wanted to keep this force as a living teaching material. If it were not for Wang Youhong and others, the Central Committee wanted to give comrades a lecture on the Communist Manifesto, and it would have been difficult for these comrades to understand the essence of society pointed out by Marx's concise and accurate language.

Also experienced in a hundred battles, it is difficult for Ji Ye, as a staunch revolutionary, to understand what is really happening in Jiangsu. Only Ji Ye's connection between the ups and downs of the Liberation Society and the events in Jiangsu was able to give her a slight understanding of the social development and the class struggle that broke out between the landed feudal lords and the bourgeoisie in the Communist Manifesto.

Thinking of this, Wu Xiangyu suddenly understood a little why Li Shouxian said, "Help educate my wife", except for Ji Ye, the four comrades with enthusiastic expressions and focused demeanors all showed the unique fuss characteristics of people who did not understand the situation they were facing.

Wu Xiangyu couldn't always be silent, he could only tell the truth, "Wang Youhong is a very powerful person, and in the information provided by the intelligence department, Wang Youhong began to study our People's Party more than ten years ago. Judging from his performance, although this man stands on the side of the propertied person, he is not ignorant of historical development. Anyone who can see the historical context is a character. ”

Ji Ye's eyes lit up, "How powerful is this person?" What is the attitude of the central authorities? ”

Wu Xiangyu didn't want to reveal the plans of the central government, if this news accidentally leaked out, he was afraid that it would cause an uproar, so Wu Xiangyu replied: "Whether it is powerful or not depends on how far he can revolutionize." Will he be able to establish a new order in Jiangsu. Let's wait and see, shall we? ”