In 1917, the political situation in Russia began to deteriorate, and the perverse behavior of the Tsar and his favored retainers finally angered the Russian people. As a result, mass strikes and demonstrations broke out across Russia to commemorate Bloody Sunday, which took place in 1905.

In Petrograd, the capital of Tsarist Russia, the Bolsheviks in Russia grew rapidly with the help of national turmoil, and the size of the Bolsheviks increased several times in just a few months. Workers, in response to the call of the Bolsheviks, staged strikes and demonstrations, chanting "Down with the war!" "Bread and Peace! slogan. This operation became a prelude to the February Revolution.

On March 5, 1917 (February 20 in the Russian calendar, three days before the February Revolution in the original time and space), about 130,000 men and women workers in 50 factories in Petrograd went on strike and marched, kicking off the February Revolution. The next day, the number of people participating in the strike increased to 200,000.

The workers who participated in the strike, under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, began to mobilize all the leading workers, and a joint general strike was held in the major factories of the capital, with the participation of 300,000 people. The storm of revolution frightened Tsar Nicholas II, who ordered to quickly restore order to the capital by any means. The arrest of the leaders of the Bolshevik Petrograd Committee and more than a hundred other revolutionary activists provoked great outrage among the masses. They took to the streets to protest against government brutality. The Tsar, at the suggestion of his favorite Rasputin, finally raised his butcher's knife in his hand, and the crowd of the march was even more brutally suppressed, and the whole march became a Shura hell, with thousands of dead and wounded in the strike. For a time, bloody terror enveloped the entire Tsarist Russia. The Bolshevik Party, leading the people in this situation, decided decisively to turn the general strike into an armed uprising and overthrow the tsarist government in order not to let the good revolutionary situation go down like this.

Under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, the workers immediately went into action, storming the arsenals, seizing guns and ammunition, erecting barricades, and fighting the reactionary military police. At the same time, the workers were also actively engaged in the work of winning over the army, and under the propaganda and inspiration of the workers, tens of thousands of soldiers openly stood on the side of the revolution. Together with the insurrectionary workers, they seized the Winter Palace, the Tsar's lair, and government ministries, and arrested the Tsar's ministers and generals. Tsar Nicholas II hastily fled from St. Petersburg under the protection of his favorite vassal Rasputin.

The uprising in the capital was completely victorious. Not resigned to his defeat, Nicholas II immediately transferred troops from the front in an attempt to recapture the capital. On the orders of the tsar, three hundred thousand men were quickly assembled, and then the army advanced towards St. Petersburg. The Tsar was full of confidence, and he believed that with these forces at his disposal, he could eliminate those revolutionaries who dared to fight back.

But things turned out so that Tsar Nicholas II felt that it was so difficult to take over. The 300,000 Russian troops, instigated by the Baalvik Party, were quickly routed by most of them. The rest were either defeated by the Bolshevik troops or collapsed of their own accord.

The Tsar's army of hundreds of thousands was so easily disintegrated that it panicked. There were already troops ready to be sent around the capital, and the Bolshevik army could hit here at any moment and take the tsar prisoner.

What was most unbearable for Nicholas II was that the royalists, seeing that the Tsar was gone, turned into a bourgeois revolutionary party and became fellow travelers of the revolution. The Russian bourgeoisie is inextricably linked with the feudal forces, and it fears the proletariat more than the reactionaries, a counter-revolutionary class. Many of them were royalists, who only demanded a constitution and divided power with the tsar, and did not want to fundamentally overthrow the tsarist system. But now that the revolutionary wave had formed, in order not to be ruled by the proletariat, they had become fellow travelers of the revolution. Immediately after the Bolsheviks successfully led the uprising in the capital, they set about setting up a provisional committee of the State Duma in an attempt to seize power first. They also sent the Octoberists to the Decodniks. He. Guchkov and State Duma deputy V. Dimension. Shurgen went to Pskov to negotiate with the Tsar in a vain attempt to preserve the monarchy. Shurgen and Guchkov went so far as to suggest to the Tsar that the only way to save the dynasty was to transfer the supreme management to someone else. Feeling that the tide was turning, Nicholas II finally decided to abdicate in favor of his younger brother Mikhail. Nicholas II, having confirmed his life, finally signed the declaration of abdication and, at the request of Guchkov and Shurgen, signed the appointment of the Cadet Duke Levov as chairman of the Council of Ministers. Edict of Nikolayevich as Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

The deceptive tactics of the bourgeoisie-dominated Provisional Committee of the State Duma did not succeed in the face of the Bolshevik leadership and the strong protests of the people. And Nicholas II's younger brother Mikhail did not have the strength to ascend to the throne, but was arrested under the wave of revolution. As for fate, I don't know if it was not shot like the original plane. After all, history has changed, and no one knows what will happen to the fate of individuals.

The failure of the bourgeoisie to seize power also proved that the real power of St. Petersburg was on the side of the Soviets. Moreover, the vital departments of the state organs, such as the telegraph office, the broadcasting office, the station, the railway, etc., were in the hands of the Soviets. The Provisional Committee of the State Duma did not even have a place to print a statement. Without the consent of the Soviets, the bourgeoisie could not have formed its own government.

The bourgeois deputies, who saw the present situation, were so anxious that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma proposed to the Executive Committee of the Soviets that negotiations should be held on the question of the formation of a new government. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who had stolen the leadership of the Soviets, pursued a capitulationist line and catered to the demands of the bourgeoisie. The Mensheviks were a minority who practiced opportunism and sought to limit the scope of the revolution. They believed that the rightful masters after the overthrow of tsarism could only be the bourgeoisie, and that the Soviets could only exert pressure on the bourgeoisie to push it to the left. The Bolsheviks were opposed to handing over power to the bourgeoisie. The Bolshevik deputy, Molotov, on behalf of the Bolshevik Party, criticized the plan of the Soviet Executive Committee to reach an agreement with the deputies of the Duma and proposed the establishment of a provisional revolutionary government by the Soviets.

In order to achieve their own goals, the Mensheviks did not hesitate to attack the proletariat as a "dispersed and unorganized" force, advocated the use of the bourgeoisie to consolidate the victory over tsarism, and deceived some Soviet deputies. As a result, the Soviets adopted the recommendations of the Executive Committee by a majority and handed over power to the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie finally wrestled state power from the Bolsheviks. It's just that the Bolsheviks did not trust it, and as a result, the Bolshevik Military Council was not dissolved. This created a situation in which the two regimes of Tsarist Russia and St. Petersburg were more than yours.

Although the bourgeoisie was in power, the Bolsheviks were not weak, and the Bolsheviks urgently telegraphed Lenin, the leader abroad, to return to China, and at the same time other Soviet leaders who had been exiled were urgently called back. Things are here, and they are no different from the original history.

But the abdicated Tsar Nicholas II, who was supposed to be captured by him, disappeared from sight, and by the time the Bolsheviks found out that something was wrong and acted again, there was no shadow of the Tsar.

Of course, they knew what the hidden danger of the Tsar's disappearance was, after all, only the St. Petersburg region was independent of this country, and the vast other regions were still under the rule of the Tsar. Faced with this situation, both the Bolsheviks and the bourgeois Provisional Government were somewhat confused. Under the leadership of the Soviets, the bourgeois Provisional Government Prime Minister Ge. Leaf. Lyvov issued the order for an armistice at the front. At the same time, the Bolsheviks and the bourgeoisie simultaneously launched an operation to seize power over the Tsarist Russian army. After all, there is a tsar, the army is synonymous with instability, there are many people in this country who hate the tsar, but there are also many people who support the tsar, it is precisely because of this understanding that the bourgeoisie, which originally had the intention of continuing the world war, rarely agreed with the Soviets, controlled the forces in their hands, and prepared to deal with the tsar's next counterattack.

After all, Nicholas II would never be willing to fail, and the constitutional monarchy agreed by the bourgeoisie was difficult to achieve, and Prince Mikhail, who was expected to succeed to the Tsar's throne, was also imprisoned. The tsar's counterattack became almost a fact. No one can guarantee that the gains of the revolution will be preserved in victory. Tsarist Russia was a great power, but at the same time it was a feudal country, the serfs at home would still carry out the tsar's orders to the letter, and the workers and culturers were mostly concentrated in the big cities, which were the main forces of the revolution. However, the number of serfs far outnumbered the workers, and if the tsar had taken control of the serfs, the hope of victory of the revolution would have been extremely slim. Whether it was a Soviet or a bourgeois Provisional Government, their existence was based on the demise of the Romanov dynasty. Now that Nicholas II does not die, the Romanov dynasty has a chance to make a comeback.

And where did Nicholas II, who made the bourgeois Provisional Government and the Soviets of Tsarist Russia so jealous, go?

After Nicholas II announced the abdication edict, he contacted his favorite retainer Rasputin, a peasant-turned-courtier, although he was a liar, but it was undeniable that he did have some means. Not only did he have a heartfelt army, but he also had contacts with many local ministers under the Tsar's command, although these feudal officials often used his status to gain benefits, and they did not look down on him as a courtier in essence. But now the situation is different. Rasputin succeeded in rescuing the Tsar and preserving the Romanov dynasty, no matter who he was before, in the eyes of the royalists, he was already a dynastic hero. Rasputin also enjoyed it all. They have already contacted Governor Denikin of the Caucasus. Denikin had raised 400,000 troops and was ready to march west to suppress the rebellion in St. Petersburg. All of a sudden, the February Revolution, which was supposed to be an easy success, changed, and no one could guess where Russia's fate would go.

(To be continued)