Chapter 779: Color Revolution
The first update
For color revolutions, Yanayev is all too familiar. Pen, fun, pavilion www. biquge。 infoUkraine, Kyrgyzstan and Georgia have all set an excellent negative lesson for him, and the original pro-Russian regime has been replaced by an even more incompetent and corrupt pro-Western government in the wave of street revolutions of the opposition.
The consequences of the Orange Revolution were catastrophic, with Ukraine suffering social unrest and a series of subsequent economic losses and declines, even greater than the Chernobyl sarcophagus in 1986. I wonder if the helicopter pilots who volunteered to fill the sarcophagus of the Chernobyl cemetery in order to save the entire Ukrainian people would have thrown Yushengko into a nuclear reactor after knowing about the tragic situation in Ukraine.
The same people who had been celebrating the triumph of democracy and freedom knew that political crooks, former secret police and financial oligarchs would not lose hope of living when they became the richest people in Romania and went on to rule the country.
Now Yanayev wants to take advantage of the turmoil in Eastern Europe in the nineties to carry out methodical subversive activities, as the first unlucky guy, Konstantinescu will use his actions to prove whether the regimes of Eastern European countries are dead or alive, that is, Yanayev's words.
Romania was the only one in Eastern Europe that experienced a bloody revolution, and the only opposition that shot Ceausescu in the streets without any legal trial, in order to silence the "last emperor" and the coup plot behind it.
Now, Yanayev intends to treat him the way he is, and how the CIA single-handedly plotted to destroy Ceausescu's rule, the KGB will in turn plot to destroy Konstantinescu's regime.
But the choice of who will become the opposition in Romania gives Yanayev a bit of a headache.
Kryuchkov pushed his glasses, the reflective lenses made it difficult for Yanayev to see the eyes behind the face, but he was very sensitive to the political situation, but he gave a rather useful suggestion, "Former members of the Romanian National Salvation Front, we can start from this aspect." Constantinescu was a member of the Romanian Association for Democracy, and the early members of the National Salvation Front in the military department did not recognize the president's ruling position. ”
Kryuchkov's words made Yanayev's eyes light up, and he seemed to have found hope.
In the early days, the National Salvation Front included Jan Iliescu, former secretary of the CPR Central Committee, Brukan, former Romanian ambassador to the United States and editor-in-chief of the newspaper Spark, the chief of the General Staff of the Romanian army, Major General Gusha, first deputy secretary of defense, Lieutenant General Stenkulescu, commander of the First Army of the Army, Major General Voinea, former dissident diplomat Du Maziru, university teacher Cornea, university associate professor Dr. Peter Roman, poet Dinestu, Magyar Protestant priest Tekesh Laszlo, and others.
Iliescu is obviously not very suitable as the person who served as the president in the previous term, not to mention that he is a pro-American regime himself, and has an ambiguous relationship with Bolden, the former head of the CIA's intelligence station in Eastern Europe, and if Yanayev does not intervene, according to the original historical trend, he will also be the next president of Romania. But the armies were different, they were only an alliance put together to oppose Chiausescu. What's more, after the drastic changes in Romania, the military did not treat Constantinez very well.
"Behind the success of the color revolution was the support of various foreign forces, which channeled large amounts of money to the so-called anti-government civil society through various channels, and then exerted pressure through diplomacy and public opinion to force the government at the time to refrain from acting rudely to the demonstrators in the name of electoral fairness. The army was the decisive factor in Romania's success. ”
Yanayev smiled slightly, "Seeing that it's time for us to talk to those people from the military department." ”
In Lubyanka's secret office, Yanayev and Kryuqikov began to develop plans to plunge the Romanian regime into turmoil. The current KGB is not an ideological bureaucracy, and what Yanayev emphasizes is that as the sword and shield of the motherland, it is necessary to use no means in dealing with the enemy.
The plan of action to eradicate the regime of Constantine was divided into three stages: first, to maliciously slander the Romanian state power under Constantinescu, to destroy his image. Involved in this phase of the operation were the Soviet Propaganda Department and KGB intelligence agents, who constantly disseminated gossip to the national media, exposing "the corruption and evil of the Konstantinescu regime" and portraying the regime's ugly face and crimes. They are accused of not being democratic and liberal socialism at all, but a dictatorship in disguise, no different from Ceausescu's rule, except that they are hiding behind the scenes, and the people are not aware of it.
The use of the media to propagate the early revolution was a major feature of color revolutions, and almost all of them were promoting the benefits of liberal democracy with ulterior motives, forgetting what the price would be.
In Yanayev's eyes, no media is a true social conscience. They all represent their own interest classes, and if they can't control their mouths, the result will be the end of "being overthrown by the media and public opinion".
The second stage is that the KGB propaganda hyped up the best candidate to succeed the dictator, constantly exaggerating and portraying the good image and policy propositions of Constantinescu's opposite, that is, there are saviors who are more suitable than Constantinescu to be the leader of Romania and can benefit the Romanian people. This requires clever packaging and design of political propositions, and the most important thing that politicians from the military have is that they have the ability to subvert the regime, and with the support of media and public opinion, they have formed a strong fighting force.
The third stage is the full rollout of the plan, which can be said to be a reproduction of the "bloody crackdown on Kimisaure", through the various cases of child trafficking and bloody cases that existed in the Romanian underground society at that time, using all kinds of distorted evidence to implicate the leadership of Constantinescu, and instilling in the people that it was because of Constantinescu's rule that led to such an outcome. The people did not need to know the truth, they just needed a channel to vent, and unfortunately, Konstantinescu, who was not very clean in the first place, became the first victim of Yanayev's policy of returning to Eastern Europe with the Iron Curtain.
Yanayev's discussion with Kryuchkov lasted three hours and included a series of detailed questions. Even Yanayev, who was born in the KGB, was amazed at the methods of the general secretary, one link after another, which was simply a textbook subversion and rebellion.
Having completed such a long and detailed plan, Yanayev threw it to Comrade Kryuchkov, who was nothing more than the implementer of the plan, and the real executors were the unsung heroes who kept the shadow on the Motherland and the people.
Yanayev felt a little inexplicable that in 1989 Eastern Europe experienced an unprecedented upheaval, but he did not expect that in less than a decade, they would continue to experience political turmoil again and again. And all this, with the leaders of Moscow single-handedly pushing the course of history on the chessboard.
He sighed for no reason, "I really hope that after all this is over, I can work as a professor at Moscow University, stay away from politics and live a peaceful life." ”
"The general secretary wants to become a professor after retirement?"
Kryuchkov paused for a moment, this was a very rare idea. Because the successive leaders of the Soviet Union had little good end, Khrushchev was ousted in a coup, Brezhnev died at his post, and Gorbachev died in rebellion. And Yanayev, as the general secretary of the Soviet Union who turned the tide, is also the only figure who has achieved only success.
Yanayev smiled and said, "What, is this idea strange? ”
Kryuchkov shook his head, among the previous leaders of the Soviet Union, he did seem to be somewhat outstanding.
"Holding on to power for a long time and not letting go will be punished, and those who are called 'dictators', aren't you all the final results obvious to all? Ceausescu was shot in the streets in Romania, and Honecker in East Germany is now in exile in Chile. Aren't there enough of these negative textbooks? I don't want my hard-earned reputation to be ruined by mistakes in political decisions. ”
Yanayev sighed, "My policy is like the reins that control the wild horse of the Soviet Union, as long as the basic state policy is not changed, then no matter who is in this position next, the Soviets will not deviate from the right track." This is the capital of our immortalized red star on the Kremlin for decades. (To be continued.) )