96. The Attitude of the Liberation Society (2)

The beginning of winter is a good time for various conferences, and at the end of the year, the farm work is basically finished, and the big farming season has begun. Taking advantage of this period, the summary of the summary, the prospect and preparation are the prospect preparation. The meeting of the Anhui people's deputies was held again in Fengtai County.

Unlike the last hastily organized congress, at that time, not to mention the delegates, the People's Party personally prepared all kinds of evacuation work, as if the Manchu Qing Dynasty was about to enter Fengtai County, which frightened the delegates from all over the country. Some people are so frightened that they go home and take their families to other places. Except for the representatives who resolutely followed the People's Party, the other delegates went into hiding, fearing that the Manchus would chase after the "bandits" after the collapse of the People's Party.

But more than a month later, the Beiyang Army was completely annihilated. The People's Party ordered people's congress deputies from all localities to attend the first meeting on the government work report in Fengtai County, and only 80 percent of the deputies were able to be notified. The proportion of BJP party deputies and NPC deputies who firmly follow the BJP has surged from less than 60 percent to nearly 80 percent.

On the first day of the conference, the first item on the agenda was to deprive those who had fled of their privileges from the status of delegates. In the secret ballot, nine out of ten people voted in favor.

These papers look the same, but they are actually secretly marked. The People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs quickly counted who had voted for the 5 percent of the votes against. Chen Ke asked the Internal Affairs Committee to keep it secret, which was just to make some preparations, not to settle accounts on the spot or after the autumn. It would be inconceivable if the deputies really worked with the BJP with one heart and one mind.

After depriving those deputies to the National People's Congress, the number of people at the congress went from being absent to full. From the second day, delegates were organized to visit the base area. The psychological changes brought about by a military victory are considerable. The deputies to the people's congress who dared to stick to their homeland when the Beiyang Army attacked either sincerely supported the People's Party or were particularly bold. The latter are quite high among speculators, and they are now overjoyed that they have made the right choice. A bright future unfolds in front of them.

As the saying goes, insiders look at the doorway, and laymen look at the liveliness. The delegates basically did not understand industrial construction, and what impressed them was the visit to the gas hot ball machine. The massive iron machine roared abruptly, and the rapidly spinning wheels of the machine drove the belts and drove all kinds of mechanical equipment. The cadres of the People's Party are not surprised by the compulsory scientific and cultural education. Delegates who are not from the BJP were dazzled.

If you want to understand industrial progress and technological breakthroughs, you need enough scientific knowledge, and non-party representatives can only watch the excitement. It wasn't until they visited the development of agriculture that these non-party representatives saw that they were famous. Fengtai County, the capital of the base area, is now so wealthy that these non-party representatives are really surprised. Many of these people have experience with large tracts of land, vast flat farmland, and large-scale water conservancy canals between farmland. Various roads were built, concentrated residential areas in rural towns. Everything was in order to shock the deputies.

What surprised them even more was the social facilities in these concentrated settlements. Schools, post offices, medical centers, supply and marketing cooperatives, and assembly squares that are both the place where the villagers' meeting is held and the venue for performing arts. Not to mention the red brick houses that are almost identical to every household. The formidable power of the new BJP government has been vividly displayed.

And the people's congress composed of people's congress deputies is theoretically the master of all this. At least the non-party delegates have a sense that they, the delegates, are in control of everything in front of them, or at least they think they can get a piece of the pie. It's a great feeling.

The visit lasted for two days, and from the fourth day, the NPC began to formally listen to the government work report. The most important of this government work report is to demand the initial land reform within one year in the base areas, that is, the nationalization of the land, the people will regain the right to use the land, and the construction of new towns will begin.

In second place is the household registration statistics of urban and rural residents. Governments at all levels in the base areas should begin to conduct population statistics and establish corresponding household registrations.

In third place is the construction of the education system for all.

The government representative who made the report was Ren Qiying, and originally wanted to hand over this work to Yuwen Badu, but Yuwen Badu tried to make a report several times, and it was okay to read the documents, so he asked him to explain. There was no way, this work finally fell to Ren Qiying, who was recognized as being able to speak well.

At the meeting, Chen Ke asked Ren Qiying to report from the most superficial level of the education for all system. Even with Ren Qiying's cleverness, she didn't understand what was going on at first. Chen Ke rarely did not explain too much, but handed over the work to the two sets of boards of the party and government in Fengtai County to discuss. Ren Qiying guessed part of Chen Ke's thoughts, this is to test Ren Qiying's ability, as long as this work can satisfy Chen Ke, it means that Chen Ke will be entrusted with a heavy responsibility to Ren Qiying. However, Ren Qiying is still a little girl after all, no matter how capable she is, she still can't keep up with Chen Ke from the perspective of looking at the problem. Ren Qiying made it clear at the time that she didn't know what to do at all.

In the complicated eyes of the comrades, Chen Ke calmly expressed his opinion, "The people's congress is different from our party and government organizations, especially this people's congress, the purpose is not to let the deputies make resolutions and judgments. Our goal is to let them know how the government works. Therefore, we can't talk about class struggle in the people's congress, and when we talk about class struggle, this is not a people's congress, but a criticism meeting. Starting from the issue of Education for All, it is to go from the shallow to the deep, so that they can gradually understand the operation of the government. Everyone knows that education is a good thing, but only when we talk about the results of doing good deeds, and finally on the issue of alteration, can the deputies understand why we want to make a revolution. Without revolution, they will not be able to enjoy the fruits of education for all. ”

Chen Ke already felt that he had spoken very clearly, but there were only a handful of comrades who could understand it. Ren Qiying is one of them, and she made it clear that she will take on this work herself.

After the meeting began, Ren Qiying made a government report in accordance with the preparations in advance. Representatives from the People's Party are familiar with these issues. To a greater or lesser extent, all of us have participated in the relevant work, and quite a few comrades themselves are in charge of the work related to them in various localities. Listening to these issues, the deputies from outside the party all had the feeling of being covered in clouds and mountains.

There is no less controversial issue than compulsory education for all. In the Chinese tradition, reading is a good thing, and as long as there is an opportunity to read, everyone will not let it go. In the past, I had to ask my husband to study, and this cost was not something that every family could afford. Even in small landlord families, there are many people who cannot afford to read. Naturally, the BJP delegates should go all out to promote compulsory education, because it is the policy of the party. Representatives who are not from the BJP also support this policy.

Beneath the surface of consensus, different points of view emerge. In this era, the purpose of studying is to become an official. Different people naturally have different understandings of the inner meaning of why we should promote education for all and why everyone should be able to read and write.

From the perspective of the People's Party, compulsory education contains a complete set of theoretical and practical cores. From the perspective of the regime, the process of education is inherently a process of rallying the masses, especially the people who have received government education since childhood, and naturally distanced themselves from the old era. From the perspective of social operation, putting children in kindergartens and schools can effectively reduce the pressure on the family and better liberate the labor force, especially the women's labor force. From the perspective of developing productive forces, education for all is the most effective way to improve the quality of the labor force.

These contents can still be openly said at the people's congress meeting, and Ren Qiying does not dare to say the content of the party's discussion at the people's congress. Chen Ke only talked about the "question of the successor of the revolution" to the senior cadres. Schooling can be set by schools with a variety of tests. Those who can maximize the development of "human sociality" will naturally know how to follow the party and know how to enter the social system, even if it is a very unoptimistic proportion, 50% of the people educated in the education system understand the structure of society, 5% understand that they have to follow the party, and understand that personal security and value must be realized by social operation. Chen Ke firmly believes that even with only these 5% of people, the BJP can run the country thoroughly. Moreover, the greatness of China lies in the fact that individuals must rely on the state to realize their own values, and this view is a general consensus. The people are not only accepting the existence of a strong central government, but they are even fervently longing for the existence of a strong central government that is almost omnipotent.

If a strong central government is in the hands of an elite education system, rather than a government that is run by graduates of compulsory education who are selected from all over the country, the result will only be that China will quickly become an imperial state that exploits internally and invades and expands externally. Chen Ke would never allow the people's revolution he had painstakingly created to come to such a point.

Comrades in the party could not fully understand what Chen Ke said, which is to look at compulsory education from the perspective of the whole country, and it is also to look at compulsory education from the perspective of the past and the future. Although Chen Ke is not a genius, he is in the lower reaches of history and has truly seen the process of history. Therefore, Chen Ke was able to establish his beliefs from the history he saw. And you can establish what you want to stick to. The comrades in the party do not have this kind of historical practice, and everyone can only find explanations for what Chen Ke said from what they have already learned.

However, the People's Party has its own discipline and system, and if it can understand the policies of the Party Central Committee, it will strive to implement the policies in its work, and if it cannot understand them, it must gradually understand the policies of the Party Central Committee in its work.

These delegates from outside the Party have not received any internal education from the BJP, and they are unlikely to understand the many meanings of compulsory education. They can only interpret the policies of the BJP government by the world they know about it. So all kinds of discussions in the people's congress that made Chen Ke feel very helpless began.

One of the most typical things is that non-party representatives actually regard the compulsory education system as a profit-making industry. How much does each student have to pay after opening a school? Someone actually asked this stupid question. When I heard this question, I didn't listen to the government work report, which clearly pointed out that compulsory education is free. Not only does it not collect money from the people, but the state also has to pay a large sum of money for school buildings, educational equipment, and teachers' salaries. All students have to pay is books and fees.

Knowing that running education not only does not make money, but also loses money, the non-party representatives were invariably frightened. In the information gathered by the People's Internal Affairs Committee, non-party delegates were privately discussing whether the BJP would share the cost with the wealthy. Many delegates were of the view that, if such a compulsory assessment occurred, they would be resolutely opposed.

The government work report was carried out in sections, because the people's deputies had no concept of a modern state, let alone how to run the various policies of this modern state. Not only the representatives outside the party, but also the representatives within the people's party, not only the members of the people's party, but also a large number of mass representatives who firmly support the people's party, do not understand these policies and the relevant methods and processes of implementation. The BJP government must undertake the task of comprehensive interpretation. It is far more difficult to instill a whole new concept in someone who has no idea at all than to kill the person with a gun. Even compulsory education, which is supported by everyone, has encountered this arduous process.

As the meeting progressed, Chen Ke discovered a situation that he had not thought of at all. Delegates are seated on their own, and they can sit wherever they like in the venue. Naturally, the members of the People's Party sit in a centralized manner. The rest of the delegates were seated in patches according to geography. As the meeting progressed, the landscape began to change. The BJP is still sitting in a centralized manner. Delegates who were not members of the BJP naturally chose to sit next to the BJP depending on their own political positions. Those deputies who did not stand on the side of the people gradually formed a situation of sitting together as their understanding of the issues deepened. The geographical factor soon gave way to the political one. The discussion of the content of the government work report has allowed political factors to dominate everyone's position and mood. The divergence widened at an astonishing rate.

Originally, the seats in the venue were a turnip, a pit, and a stool for each person. A few days after the meeting was held, looking down from the rostrum, the People's Party and its followers sat on the left side of the building, while the dissident delegates sat on the right. There is a space in the middle. Only a handful of self-contained deputies, who were neither willing to follow the BJP nor to mingle with others, sat in the middle ground. The division of political views completely replaced the division of geography, although many delegates had never heard of the term "political opinion".

The government work report is naturally the work of the bureaucracy, and Chen Ke has no prejudice against the bureaucracy. Bureaucrats are also human beings, and they also need methods and systems to do their work. The bureaucracy needs even more scientific and humane systems and methods than any other system. Therefore, the government work report does not talk about doctrines and ultimate ideals at all.

At this stage, compulsory education is not only about building a school education system, but also about comprehensively eradicating people's illiteracy. If you want to eradicate illiteracy, you need to know how many people are in the base area and how educated they are. In order to develop the corresponding specific implementation methods. This requires the establishment of a household registration system.

The hukou system also involves the issue of the dual system of hukou in urban and rural areas, and the dual hukou system needs to be carried out on the basis of the completion of land reform. Generally speaking, the land reform is the first, the household registration is the first, and the compulsory education is the second. Of course, those who follow the BJP closely have taken the lead in enrolling their children in the schools that have already been opened and are getting an education themselves. Again, this is a case of not fully conforming to the general order of work.

If you don't know the price of firewood and rice, the government lists the contents of these jobs one by one. Not to mention anything else, the need for paper alone left the delegates dumbfounded. In these days, paper is expensive, especially the white paper used for writing is expensive. In order to complete the statistics of the household registration system, there are other work needs, and these blank papers alone require more than 100,000 catties. Converted into the market price, it will cost more than 100,000 taels of silver.

The population of the Anhui base area is estimated to be more than 10 million, and no one knows the exact number. Just the paper used in the construction of the people's household registration is calculated according to one tael of silver and one thousand yuan, and the government will spend at least ten yuan of blank paper on each person. As for the ink, there are also the salaries of government personnel, and the salaries of auxiliary personnel to be used, which is another large expense. Some non-party delegates who are more proficient in calculations privately estimate that the census alone will cost at least 500,000 taels of silver. And the BJP shouldered the money.

One of the non-party delegates had a paper-making workshop at home, and he was very pleased with the news. Such a huge demand for paper gave his workshop great profit possibilities. When he offered to supply paper "cheaply" at the meeting, Ren Qiying, the spokesperson for the People's Party government, smiled and told the delegate that the People's Party had already collected all the paper. Of course, Ren Qiying also smiled and told the delegate, whose face was full of astonishment and frustration, that the government would contact the delegate if there was a need.

Watching this live drama, almost all the government personnel attending the meeting laughed secretly in their hearts, and many comrades still did not understand the paper mill that Chen Ke had spent a lot of manpower and material resources to open at that time. Now they understand that Chairman Chen is in the same way as he usually does in this matter, always preparing for problems before they occur.

The paper mill uses two raw material treatment processes, wheat straw and rice stalk treatment. In the past, people used wheat straw and rice stalks as kitchen fuel or burned ash to accumulate fertilizer. After the People's Party's paper mill purchased wheat straw and rice stalks, the people were naturally extremely happy, and things that could not be sold at all could now be exchanged for income, which was a pie-in-the-sky thing. There is an endless stream of people who go to various purchase points to sell wheat straw and rice stalks. After selling wheat straw and rice stalks, the faces of the people were smiling as they counted the bills. The paper mill has obtained stable and homogeneous raw materials, which can naturally produce paper products stably and homogeneously.

This incident had a great impact on the comrades. Originally, it sounded simple and obscure, "large-scale stable homogeneous raw materials, large investments in built factories, mass production of cheap products." "This kind of industrial production route has never been seen before, so it is naturally impossible to imagine it out of thin air. Not to mention the various complex process technologies adopted by the paper mill, the comrades in the government departments have a sudden feeling in the process of the construction of the paper mill and the raw materials and products.

On the one hand, the non-party delegates were shocked by the wealth of the BJP, and on the other hand, they instinctively felt a great threat. In their experience, the government always relied on the local gentry for what they wanted to do. Either pay for it, or organize local labor, or it is procured by the government. Although the struggle between the government and the gentry was extremely fierce. However, as long as the money is used properly, the gentry can still make a lot of profits.

Now the BJP, while not plundering the gentry, also does not rely on the gentry. By building a grassroots political power, the People's Party has gradually taken control of the people who did not have any dealings with the government. If this continues, the gentry, who have held the leading position in the countryside for thousands of years, will be marginalized step by step and completely left out of the power and the people.

Without the people's congresses, the non-party delegates would not have been able to understand this. Participating in this congress opened the eyes of not only the followers of the People's Party to society, but also these non-party representatives who once occupied the mainstream of society.

The information gathered by the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, in which the gentry had been talking nonsense almost in accordance with their social status for the first few days, became more and more interesting as the meetings progressed, and the depth and breadth of their views intensified as the stalwarts of the old society, which had been scattered all over the country, gathered together to discuss problems. These people are also able to look at the problems at hand seriously.

At this time when the appearance was quite peaceful, but in fact there was turmoil inside, the news came that the Liberation Society had conquered Hangzhou, which was really a bit insignificant to the People's Party. Chen Ke only told the intelligence department to step up investigation, and specific countermeasures will be carried out after the National People's Congress.

When he published this confession, Chen Ke didn't even read the complete content of the intelligence. It was not until the meeting was adjourned in the evening, when Chen Ke and the party comrades had finished discussing the specific work of the day, that Chen Ke's trusted secretary submitted the report to Chen Ke again, and Chen Ke remembered that there was such a thing.

The thick stack of intelligence is very detailed, and the People's Party has not yet infiltrated the Liberation Society, so this is the intelligence network built by the People's Party in Zhejiang Province to collect information through public content. According to the information network trained by the People's Party, apart from the fact that the contents of the internal meetings of the Liberation Association will take some time to obtain, the actions of the Liberation Association can be described as having no secrecy at all. Knowing that the Liberation Society was going to attack Hangzhou, the People's Party Intelligence Network sent observers, but the observers waited for four days after arriving in Hangzhou, and the Liberation Army under the command of the Liberation Society arrived outside Hangzhou.

To Chen Ke's surprise, Zhejiang Governor Zeng Yun almost turned a blind eye to let the Liberation Society start an incident in southern Zhejiang, but when the Guangfu Army attacked Hangzhou, Zhejiang Governor Zeng Yun showed an unusual temperament. Regarding the persuasion of the Restoration Society, Zeng Yun decisively refused. And he personally supervised the defense army, training army, and green battalion that had gathered in Hangzhou, organizing defense, and deploying positions. There are probably more than 3,000 troops from all walks of life gathered in the city of Hangzhou, which is already all the troops in southern Zhejiang.

Long before receiving the news of the Liberation Society's dispatch, Zeng Yun gathered these troops on the edge of the West Lake and made a public speech. There is an appendix to the content of the speech, and Chen Ke felt like a confidant after reading it, and when he read the sincerity of the heart, Chen Ke couldn't help laughing.

Zeng Yun did not mention loyalty to the imperial court, nor personal loyalty. He simply and clearly described the sources of food and salary of the Qing soldiers in front of him. The salaries of these Qing troops were all issued by the imperial court, and if the imperial court fell, the salaries would naturally be completely lost. Zeng Yun said that the Liberation Club will have its own army, and will definitely not recruit these defense troops, training troops, and green battalions. Even if they do, they don't see them as their own. If these Qing army brothers think that they can live well without relying on the imperial court, then they can go to the Restoration Society now, or disperse on their own. If you feel that you can only eat by relying on the imperial court, then you can defend the city well. Everyone can decide for themselves what to do.

For the Chinese people, as long as the truth is true, everyone can understand it. Zhejiang Governor Zeng Yun is not deceived or coaxed, his reasoning is clear, and his logic is complete. The defense army, the training army, and the green battalion all knew that as long as Hangzhou was captured, they would immediately lose their livelihood, and there was no means to make a living immediately. Of the more than 3,000 people, except for less than 400 guys who were really afraid of death, they chose to stay.

Zeng Yun immediately handed out the reward and called the commanders of the various departments together to discuss the defense of the city. Fortunately, a defensive line was built before the arrival of the Liberation Army.

The combat experience is nothing special, and the military quality of both sides is naturally that the Qing army defending the city has the advantage, and the morale of the Guangfu army is higher. When the platoon guns were firing, the defenders had more ammunition. The Liberation Society suffered losses on the first day of the attack. The next day, the morale of the Qing army that could hold Hangzhou was greatly boosted, and the combat performance was even better than the first day. In addition, with the help of artillery, although the accuracy of the shells was very poor, the rumbling sound of the cannons was also very morale-boosting. The second day of the Liberation Society's attack was thwarted again.

On the third day, the Restoration Society did not attack the city, and Zeng Yun immediately rewarded the three armies. The Qing army is even more energetic.

But as the saying goes, happiness begets sorrow. On the fourth day of the battle, after the excited Qing army repelled the Guangfu army again, God knows if it was because the wine drunk on the first day was not strong, or if someone gave a heavy reward, they actually began to chase and defeat the retreating Guangfu army. At first, the pursuit was very smooth, and according to the development of the situation, it is possible that the Liberation Army will collapse on all fronts. Suddenly, a force attacked the flank of the sortie Qing army.

The comrade who wrote the report appeared to have captured the Qing army officers who participated in the attack, and in the report wrote a crepe sentence: "More than 80 of the enemy's sturdy men appeared on my flank, all wrapped in white cloth, shirtless, and wearing only white short coats. Led by three women and two teenagers. Hand in hand with bombs, short guns and Japanese swords. Bombs were first thrown, then shots were fired with short guns, and then hand-to-hand combat with Japanese swords. Our army was defeated. ”

The ensuing battle was very traditional to the Qing army, and the attacking Qing troops were routed and returned to their base camp. The Guangfu army death squad followed and rushed into the defensive positions of the Qing army. In hand-to-hand combat, the Qing army was dispersed. After the main force of the Guangfu Army entered the city of Hangzhou, Zengyun, the governor of Zhejiang, did not flee, but put up a stubborn resistance according to the governor's yamen. Because of the street fighting in the city, the attacking Guangfu army lacked room to move, and there were heavy casualties in several hard attacks. Until the next day, he dragged the artillery into the city and forced the artillerymen in the prisoners to operate the artillery. The captured artillerymen were quite loyal and refused to obey their orders. The Guangfu Army cut off the heads of several captured artillerymen, and only then did someone personally shoot at the yamen of the governor of Zhejiang.

After the gate and wall of the governor's yamen were blown down, the defense collapsed, but even so, the personal soldiers of the governor of Zhejiang, Zeng Yun, still resisted for a long time, and the Restoration Society paid a lot of price to win the final victory. As for the fate of Zhejiang Governor Zeng Yun, the report is not very certain. Some say that they were killed by shells, some say that they committed suicide, and some say that after being captured, the Guangfu Society hated Zeng Yun for his stubborn resistance and executed Zeng Yun on the spot. Anyway, the result was that Zeng Yun, the governor of Zhejiang, died.

Putting down the information, Chen Ke thought, the Liberation Society should be very happy. That was the only thought Chen had on the matter, and two minutes later, Chen fell asleep on a makeshift bed in the room next door to his office.