Chapter XIII: Repression

Although a little later than expected, the armored forces managed to move into Leningrad and Volgograd, one of the most important transportation hubs in the west, and the other as the granary of southern Russia. Yanayev will never let any city fall and become a stronghold for the parasites of the democrats.

Before the troops were stationed, he had a long talk with the commander of the 16 major military districts of the Soviet Union by telephone. Every admiral or general trembled and held the microphone and listened to Yanayev's instructions. But there was one man who would never hear these instructions again. Colonel-General Hilitchenko of the Ural Military District shot himself in his office three hours earlier. It is said that a GRU soldier went in to tell him something, and when he came out, Hilichenko sat on the sofa and smoked a cigarette with a dejected appearance, and after smoking the last one, he picked up a pistol and shot himself without warning. Two hours later, Hilicchenko's family had also been heard from.

Everyone in the army knew that Hiltschko and Yeltsin had been eyeballing, and less than two hours after Yeltsin's downfall, Hilchenko suffered. The revenge of the top brass of the CPSU was more ruthless than they had imagined.

So when the commanders-in-chief of other military districts received a call from Yanayev, their hands trembled with fear, and for the first time, these generals, who had the vast majority of them experienced the bloodshed of the Great Patriotic War, showed fear and respect in front of a general secretary with a civilian background. Yanayev asked them to send troops into the city for martial law, and it was forbidden to withdraw troops without his orders. Everyone recruited correctly, and no one dared to disobey the yang and the yin.

The more people are offside and powerful, the more they cherish their lives, and these old people, who have been devastated by alcohol and years, can do anything in order to keep their position. When Yanayev put down the phone, he sensed the sorrow of the Soviet Union for the first time.

Those who fought for the ideals of communism have long since lost their way, forgetting the goal of struggle in the joy of power, and beginning to doubt the ideals and beliefs they believe in. In the end, they will become the small group of villains who want to usurp national interests by changing the system and become rich in their own pockets. And those who are still struggling for their beliefs have gradually become disappointed in the reality of dissatisfaction, and finally choose to watch the collapse of the motherland they have fought for. Then he picked up the rusty and faded sickle hammer badge in the dust, and looked sad.

Fortunately, Yanayev still has the enthusiasm for reform and enough power to support him to do this thing. When he signed some letters of appointment with the pen in his hand, Yanayev knew that a war was raging in various parts of the Soviet Union.

Although some self-organized opposition groups did not break out into shocking demonstrations under Yeltsin's call, many people took to the streets, raising flags and chanting slogans to oust the emergency committee, and gradually the demonstrations turned into riots, many shops were smashed, cars were burned, and even women were harassed and molested in broad daylight. These filthy villains in the name of democracy and freedom have always liked to do something completely different from them in secret.

The people turned from initial expectation to disappointment, and these people did not target the government, but plundered their own belongings, like an upright robber who broke into his home and plundered in the name of justice.

At first, the martial law army followed the instructions of the central government, secretly observing and not acting. But every half hour they reported directly to the top of the Central Committee, and when Yanayev realized that the actions of these reactionaries had become unbearable for the citizens of Volgograd and Leningrad, he finally gave the long-awaited order to clear the ground.

On this day, these parasites, immersed in the joy of false democracy, finally learned the horrors of the torrent of steel. Those violent machines that turn on their tracks will be an indelible nightmare for the rest of their lives.

The clearing army first threw tear gas into the crowd, and by the time the men realized what they were, they were choked with tears in their eyes. Some tried to set the soldiers on fire with homemade Motorov cocktails, but were broken by snipers who had already been ambushed on the roof with compressed air.

Then came the clearance of the soldiers, the brutal style of the Soviet army who did not use the literary weapons of repression such as batons and shields, and who did not have riot guns in their hands, which were directly loaded with painful but non-lethal rubber bullets. Yanayev's order is not to show mercy to any of the thugs until you have all the bullets. Forgiving those people is God's business, and we are only responsible for sending them to them. If you catch it on the street, you will be beaten up in the street, and if you catch it in the toilet, you will directly drown your head in the toilet.

The rubber bullet hit their bodies and immediately opened their flesh, and even if they didn't, they were purple-red bruises. These young people who grew up under the greenhouse had never suffered such pain, and immediately fell to the ground crying and begging, but those soldiers did not let these people go, whether they fell to the ground or begged for mercy, they continued to enjoy the torture of rubber bullets.

The crowd of demonstrators was frightened, and for the first time these opponents realized how terrible the iron fist of the dictatorship was, and they thought that launching street politics would make the top brass of the CPSU unbearable to deal with the people and give in, but they did not expect that the newly appointed general secretary of the CPSU would have been an iron-blooded leader, and as long as the army and the state apparatus remained loyal to the leader, those who tried to fish in troubled waters through social change would never have a chance.

The leaders who staged the march were frightened, like a clown who appeared on the stage and quickly faded from power, and they left their ranks and fled, leaving the deceived young people to taste the punishment of communism. Having lost their organization and combat effectiveness, they immediately disarmed and surrendered.

A total of six people died as a result of the stampede, 20 were seriously injured and 60 were slightly injured in the clearances in the two major cities, and hundreds of young people were arrested for engaging in street politics. Although many people wept on the news that they had been tricked into marching, Yanayev had only a brief but sharp assessment of these people, "a comic show of cowards and garbage".

Some of these aggravated cases were sent to the KGB Special Psychiatric Hospital for warm and beautiful treatment, and they did not regain their freedom until their legs trembled at the first hearing of democratic freedom. Oh, how ironic.

In response to this purge of the field, the intellectuals who professed the conscience of the Slavic nation began to accuse Yanayev of what he had done, publishing The Gulag Archipelago, in which the writer Solzhenitsyn, who was hailed as the conscience of Russia, compared Yanayev to a murderous, inhumane tyrant and described him as a madman like Stalin. In response, Yanayev pursed his lips disdainfully, ridiculing him as a fool who can only write hypocritical words and do nothing.

However, in this case, most of the country's intellectuals chose to remain silent, and Yanayev did not feel that these people knew each other, perhaps because of the ban and so on, so they had nowhere to speak.

Of course, the Western world is also full of criticism of Yanayev's actions, and the British have also issued a special statement saying that the Soviet Union's repression has shocked Britain, and hopes that the Soviet government can stop this barbaric and bloody massacre, and said that they will pay close attention to the development of the situation. Then the United States issued a similar announcement, but more tactfully than the United Kingdom. In this regard, Yanayev issued a statement, saying that the British government had nothing to do when it was full, and that it would first whitewash its own suppression of the Irish national independence movement before discussing human rights with the Soviet Union. Of course, if the British government continues to talk nonsense like this, it is not guaranteed that one day it will be defeated by a powerful armed Irish Republican Army. He also emphasized the phrase of the mighty armed Irish Republican Army.

Yanayev's direct and sharp speech made the countries of Western Europe look at each other, and they did not expect the latest leader of the Soviet Union to speak so directly. Only the United States hid aside, laughing at the embarrassment of the British government being threatened with a slap in the face. At this point, those Western European leaders finally understood that the general secretary of the Soviet Union at this time may really be an iron-blooded tyrant who cannot be underestimated.