Chapter 313: The Soviet-Japanese Peace Treaty (I)
The first shift, there is another shift before 12 o'clock
Japan's internal and external troubles have already made Prime Minister Hosokawa Gohei anxious, and the Soviet Union and the Red Army, as the sword of Damolis hanging over the head of the Japanese government, gave Hosokawa Gohee a headache. The former is a madman who threatens to wipe Japan off the map of East Asia in three minutes, and the latter is a terrorist who wants to make the Japanese emperor pay for it with blood. Their same red beliefs made Hosokawa Gohei secretly curse a damn communism.
Japan's prime minister has ordered a severe martial law at home to prevent a major tragedy, just as it was in the aftermath of the 1970 JAL hijacking incident and the 1972 Tel Aviv airport massacre. The death of an emperor would not cause a devastating sensation in Japanese society, but it would allow his heads of government to resign en masse.
On the other hand, preparations were made for peace talks with the Soviet Union. The whole world agrees with the idea that if your country is unfortunate enough to be a neighbor of a red polar bear, or you are trembling and living in peace with him, then become a vassal of his power, and never think of becoming an enemy of him, believe me, there are enough bloody lessons.
No matter how many lessons there are, there will always be guys who don't know the height of the sky and want to become the new negative teaching material. On the day of the Japanese prime minister's visit to the Soviet Union, when the special plane entered the airspace of the Soviet Union, according to tradition, not a single fighter plane escorted the Japanese prime minister's special plane. As an important diplomatic etiquette, fighter escort is also an important way to show the image of the country's air force. The absence of a transit escort means that relations between the two countries are at a delicate juncture. Afterwards, the Soviet side explained that Japanese fighters were carrying out an important mission to prevent the infiltration of American ships on the Pacific coast of the Far East, so they could not spare time to escort the Japanese prime minister's special plane.
The implication is that they believe that the importance of the Japanese prime minister is not as important as the coastal patrols, and they also sarcastically see the gap between them and the Soviet Union. Hosokawa looked out the empty window and couldn't help but clench his fists. It was the first time he had been humiliated on a foreign visit since taking office. Unable to bear it, he whispered a damn Soviet. But such a curse did not alleviate Hosokawa's anger, and he simply crossed his hands and began to close his eyes in his seat. I regret why I didn't bring a copy of "Self-cultivation of Politicians" to calm my current mood.
However, Prime Minister Hosokawa's humiliating journey was not over, after the plane stopped at Moscow International Airport, Hosokawa Gohei, who watched the door slowly open, once again felt the malice from the Soviets. There was no red carpet for the heads of state to visit, no huge guard of honor to welcome them, and not even the Minister of Foreign Affairs was present. It was no more than an inconspicuous deputy minister who came.
Hosokawa couldn't bear it anymore, and as soon as he got into the car, he began to question the foreign ministry official, who liked to be silent. "Why did the head of state attend the USSR without fighter jets to escort it, why was it not the deputy minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs who received it, and why were the Soviet specifications so shabby? Is this a barbaric country that lacks the most basic of manners? ”
And the unassuming deputy minister replied with a very classic sentence that made Hosokawa Gohei hate, "I'm sorry Prime Minister Hosokawa Gohei, Moscow thinks that if it is divided according to the national territory, Japan can only accept relatively inferior courtesy." ”
This sentence made Hosokawa Gohei speechless, but the pun carried in the careful evaluation of the taste made his expression complicated. The issue of the four northern islands must be the issue of the four northern islands, and Moscow's hostile attitude seems to be inextricably linked to Hosokawa's recent behavior.
He thought of President Kim Yong-sam, with whom he had a secret meeting before, when he said that this was an orderly world. That inexplicable ambiguous expression. It seems to be saying that the other side is not a country that is willing to respect order.
Indeed, from unreasonable revenge to brutal and brutal intervention, Soviet foreign policy has always been marked by the aesthetic of Soviet-style violence that resists and disrupts order.
The convoy of escorts stopped at the entrance of the Kremlin, and the personnel in charge of receiving him led him into the chamber. Rather than holding cordial and friendly talks in George Room, as was the case before, it was a straightforward skip of the steps that should be taken during a visit by a head of state for a final negotiating ruling.
The sudden urgency made Hosokawa Gohei a little confused, as if he hadn't adapted to Maozi's direct approach without cumbersome rules. In Yanayev's words, politics and diplomacy are sometimes nothing more than putting themselves in anklets and handcuffs, and the Soviet Union never spends precious time on superfluous steps.
Representatives of various parties were already seated in the conference hall, where portraits of previous leaders were hung, just as Hosokawa had stated the purpose of his visit. We are here to negotiate, not to apologize. Sitting in front of Hosokawa was Yanayev, who was only a year older than him, but he was several ranks above him in terms of diplomacy. First, the Soviet Union's strong military strength can only be matched by the United States. Naturally, it also increased his bargaining chips for speaking at the negotiating table. The second is that the leaders of the Soviet Union came to power almost exclusively through political struggles, and they are not known how many ranks higher than those democratically elected guys.
So Yanayev didn't panic, and even greeted Hosokawa Gohei in only a little Japanese, comforted the dusty national leader, and by the way, threw a smoke bomb for the recorded negotiations.
"In connection with the recent attack on a fishing boat in Soviet waters, the Japanese side strongly protests and condemns. At that time, we asked you to apologize for this. Why is there no action that should be done? "Hosokawa Gohei preemptively struck the issue of fishing boats, accusing the Soviet Union of carrying out bloody massacres in violation of the spirit of humanitarianism.
"So the Japanese Navy saw the Soviet anti-submarine plane crashing into the sea and did not rescue it, is it a heinous crime that can be sent to the Hague court? Is that watching innocent people sink into the abyss in despair? Moreover, it was still within the waters of the Soviet Union, and was this an act of aggression or a declaration of war? Yanayev asked calmly. It's like a loud slap on the backhand that slaps Hosokawa Gohee's face, catching the other party off guard.
"If you answer yes, then the moment Prime Minister Hosokawa returns to Tokyo, the Soviet Union will tear up the ceasefire and restore the warring relations between the two countries that have not been in place for decades since World War II." (To be continued.) )