… The big battle of the model started at the same time, and what Rurajapani saw was not a surprise, one and two despair. [No pop-up novel network]

After declaring war on China and Pakistan, Rurajapani assigned Defense Minister Ayamel and Minister of Internal Security Gamar a special task: to estimate the time required to complete the first phase of war mobilization.

War mobilization is the highest level of national mobilization and cannot be achieved overnight.

Referring to the experience that can be learned, that is, in World War II, the war mobilization of the Soviet Union after the lightning attack by Germany, India's war mobilization will be divided into three catties. phases. The first phase is the mobilization of personnel and the relocation of industries, with a view to expanding military forces as quickly as possible. Transfer to the rear the industrial infrastructure that is relevant to the country's war potential. In the second stage of economic mobilization, the focus will be on readjusting the state's economic operation system, replacing market operation with government regulation and control, and comprehensively mobilizing the country's war forces. The third stage is all-out war mobilization, sending newly formed legions to participate in the war, the country's economy is completely at the service of the war, the implementation of a comprehensive rationing system, and doing everything possible to win the war.

The work of the three stages of war mobilization cannot be adjusted and must be carried out sequentially.

As far as India is concerned, the first thing to do well is the first stage of war mobilization.

After the Fourth Indo-Pakistani War, China intervened in South Asian affairs, formed a substantial military-political alliance with Pakistan, signed alliances and quasi-alliance treaties with India's neighboring countries, and the Indian National Assembly passed the latest war mobilization law, and the Indian government also revised the war mobilization plan many times during this period.

According to the latest war mobilization plan, it will take at least a few months for India to complete the first phase of war mobilization.

During this period, India will first recruit retired servicemen who are suitable for re-service in the form of compulsory conscription, and expand the size of the army to more than 10,000, of which the army accounts for the absolute majority. After the completion of the mobilization of personnel, the number of combat units of the Indian Army will be divided from the old main division of the thugs to the 2 reserve divisions. If the mobilization of retired military personnel is not sufficient to meet the national defence needs, the Government of India will recruit members of the community on a compulsory basis in accordance with the powers conferred by the War Mobilization Act.

The situation is that the mere conscription of veterans is not enough to meet the needs of the war.

According to the statistics obtained by the Indian Ministry of Defense, because India began to promote the professionalization of the army after the year of Likou, that is, after Rurajapani came to power, the number of retired soldiers suitable for re-service at the outbreak of the war was about 6 Tian Wan, some of whom worked in important positions in society, and the number of retired soldiers who could be mobilized and re-served would not be as high as 10,000, and the number of retired soldiers who could be mobilized within a month was only about 2 million, which was far from meeting the needs of the war.

In a more detailed statistical report, the investigators pointed out that because of the impact of the professionalization process, the proportion of retired military personnel in India is seriously unbalanced, and among the retired military personnel who can be mobilized immediately, only the old ten thousand retired officers, among which the mid-level officers are less than the thugs, and the middle-level officers account for the total number of officers. It can be seen from this that among India's retired soldiers, the proportion of officers is seriously low, and middle-level officers are rare goods. Without a sufficient number of officers, especially mid-level officers with front-line command capabilities, it is impossible to form combat units.

Rurajapani doesn't want problems, but results.

According to the report submitted by Ayamer, the first step is to mobilize the retired servicemen of Gawan, strengthen the officer corps through promotion and deployment, and strive to strengthen the defense forces on the eastern and western fronts respectively in the small army divisions, including the armored division, so as to prepare for the expansion of the scale of mobilization.

In fact, even Ayamel pinned his hopes on "expanded mobilization".

If all goes well, India will complete the mobilization of another 20,000 retired servicemen in the next month, and promote 10,000 low-ranking officers and 10,000 middle-level officers through emergency training, and on this basis, form an army division to prepare for a comprehensive strategic defense and strategic counterattack in the future.

Merely mobilizing retired servicemen will certainly not meet the needs of the war.

India must expand its mobilization and conscript society.

According to the report submitted by Ayamel, the mobilization of members of society will be launched by the end of August. Because the preparations of the local governments were not in place, the mobilization for war could not be carried out in a timely manner, and the infrastructure related to the action was seriously insufficient, it was impossible to mobilize the social personnel immediately, and even if the mobilization order was issued through compulsory conscription, it would not be possible to make the conscripted social personnel become effective combat effectiveness.

The problems that India is encountering at this time cannot be avoided by any country.

The country goes to war and needs to make a lot of preparations for war mobilization. Mobilization of members of society is generally divided into two types: compulsory recruitment by the government in accordance with relevant laws and regulations, and voluntary recruitment that is not compulsory. The former has a great impact on society, while the latter is inefficient in recruitment. In order to recruit enough military personnel in a short period of time and to ensure the quality of military personnel, the government generally adopts a two-pronged policy, i.e. compulsory recruitment when voluntary recruitment is not sufficient. The government estimates the number of recruits that can be recruited before the recruitment begins, and then decides on the scope of compulsory recruitment based on the difference. Before compulsory call-up. The Government must have a basic understanding of the country's population and, in accordance with the relevant laws, issue compulsory conscription orders to the conscripts. This alone requires a lot of administrative resources and time, and cannot be completed overnight.

As a country with a population of 100 million, the Indian government lacks no shortage of soldiers, but rather effective means of recruitment.

According to the plan of the Ministry of Defense, the thugs, "before the end." At least 10,000,000 soldiers need to be forcibly conscripted. Issuing a call-up order alone is a hassle. Because it is impossible to eliminate the evasion of military service, the government often sets aside a margin when formulating the conscription plan and uses coercive means to enlist the conscripts into the army.

The fact that these tasks can be completed in one month is a testament to the efficiency of the Indian government.

The problem is, even Ayamel isn't much sure that he will be able to recruit thousands of soldiers in the thug months.

More importantly, social personnel are not retired soldiers, and after being recruited, they must also undergo necessary training and currency training in order to become qualified soldiers.

Because the Air Force and Navy are too technically demanding, compulsory conscription is generally only for the Army.

According to the minimum standard, if a social person who does not have any military experience or only needs little military experience wants to meet the minimum standard of a soldier, that is, to become the most basic infantry and master the most basic infantry tactics and techniques, the training period must not be less than 2 months.

This is visible. Even if the Indian government completes the call-up process at the end of August, it will only be able to get additional troops at the end of the old month.

Of course, 2 months is only the standard for the middle of the century.

According to the Indian Army's peacetime training standards, the training cycle for recruits is four months. If they want to equip them with more professional skills and master the basic methods of using technical weapons, the training period will last for more than half a year. According to the training standards of the Republic Army and the U.S. Army, the training cycle for infantry recruits is half a year, the training cycle for armored recruits is old catties, and the minimum demand for recruit training cycles for electronic troops, scouts, and other arms with higher technical and tactical requirements for recruits is more than one year for fighters.

What was trained in 2 months was only the worst infantry.

After completing the training, the recruits must be provided with the most basic combat and living support.

The so-called combat support is the necessary weapons and equipment. Even according to the minimum standards, it is armed with 10,000 rifles, 10,000 squad machine guns, 10,000 old heavy machine guns, 10,000 automatic grenade catapults, 70,000 light mortars, 2 old 10,000 sets of individual combat equipment, and various types of ammunition calculated on a single basis. For India, the provision of various types of light weapons to the newly reconstituted units is not too much of a problem. After the Fourth Indo-Pakistani War, the Indian Army underwent two major rearmaments, and the assault rifles alone were updated twice, and most of the dismantled light weapons were retained in the form of mothballing, except for a small number that went to overseas markets. According to the statistics provided by the Ministry of Defense, the stockpiled weapons and equipment are enough to arm an infantry division, and the stockpiled ammunition is enough to meet combat operations within half a year. Although most of the weapons in stock are outdated, such as the assault rifles installed by Liwan in the Li Century era, which have long passed their "shelf life", in a state of war, the problem of whether or not weapons and equipment is more prominent than the quality problem.

The so-called livelihood support is to provide the materials and venues needed for the life and training of soldiers. It is not a matter of saying that filling the belly of 40,000 recruits is that in a small camp, in order to complete the training work within two months, at least a relaxation training ground is needed. For India, that's the real problem. As the Chinese naval fleet enters the Indian Ocean, supplies at home will become increasingly strained. Because the infrastructure is built in peacetime according to the standard of supporting the 10,000,000 troops, it is very difficult for India to prepare a camp that can accommodate nearly 10 million military forces in a short period of time, let alone build a training ground that can train 10,000 soldiers at the same time. In response to this problem, the Ministry of National Defense submitted a proposal to train new recruits by training and fighting at the same time. That is to say, only the most basic training is carried out for new recruits, and after they have mastered the methods of using weapons and equipment, they are assigned to combat units, and the training work and daily support work in the later stage are undertaken by the combat units to which they belong, so as to avoid problems caused by concentrated training.

No matter what method is adopted, the problem of recruiting new recruits and expanding the size of the army has not been fundamentally resolved.

According to Ayamel's report, the first batch of recruited Gawan veterans can only report to their units before August at the earliest; Before the introduction of the sun in August, among the newly built thug divisions, at most, only the Shi division was able to participate in combat operations on the battlefields of the Eastern and Western Fronts, and the rest were able to participate in the rest of the battles. Divisions can be deployed before the moon day at the earliest. The second batch of recruited Gongwan veterans. At the earliest, you can only report to your unit before the day of the moon; Before the Kouyue Blade Day, among the newly built concave divisions, only the Wang Division could participate in combat operations, and the rest of the island divisions could be deployed before the old Moon Day at the earliest. The third batch of recruited Jinwan social personnel can complete the basic training as soon as possible before the introduction of the old month; In the force of the division can be completed before the mouth of the moon and the sun, in the past years to the strength of the division.

It can be seen that in addition to the main conscription of retired soldiers in the early stage, India's mobilization capacity has increased in stages.

The key question is, will India be able to hold out until the time of full mobilization?

In other words, Ayamel overlooked a key issue, which was that India was likely to have lost its most densely populated northern region by the time the fourth call was made. Although with India's population base, even if it retreats to the south, it can recruit enough soldiers, after the fall of the most important Gangetic Plain and the northwest region, the recruitment of soldiers will definitely be affected and cannot be completed as originally planned.

The only thing that Rurajapani can rejoice in is that no one can underestimate India's war mobilization potential.

Even if there are problems of one kind or another, India has enough capacity to mobilize tens of millions of fighters if it can produce enough weapons and equipment, relying on the population that accounts for more than one of the world's most people.

The key is whether India can produce enough weapons and equipment.

In other words, whether India could have preserved its most important industrial infrastructure in the early days of the war.

The problem of industrial relocation is much more acute than that of conscripts.

According to the strategic transfer plan drawn up as early as after the Fourth Indo-Pakistani War, "in the event of a general invasion by a strong enemy, India will move its factories originally concentrated in the northern and coastal areas to the southern interior." For this reason, starting from the 47th year, India spent many years building hundreds of industrial bases on the Deccan Plateau, and in view of the characteristics of modern warfare, it adopted the methods of scattered arrangement and underground factory construction, and made full use of the geographical environment of the Deccan Plateau, and built most of the factories, especially the military factories and heavy factories, in the valleys of the plateau that are difficult to destroy. According to the intelligence in the possession of the Military Intelligence Agency. In the Karnataka state alone, in the vicinity of the Dongge Pedra Reservoir northeast of Bangalore, India has invested tens of billions of dollars to build hundreds of factories around the Dongge Pedra Dam hydroelectric power station, more than 80 percent of which are military factories and supporting heavy factories.

Although India still does not have the strength to produce sophisticated weapons and equipment on its own, the strength of its industrial base should not be underestimated.

According to the pre-war estimates made by the Military Intelligence Agency, even if a comprehensive strategic blockade were imposed on India to prevent it from acquiring overseas resources, India would still be able to produce military supplies, including tanks, artillery, vehicles, guns, and ammunition, with its own resources, especially the mineral resources of the Deccan Plateau. If India's military industry is fully produced, it can produce four tanks, powerful combat vehicle door artillery, ugly mortars, old mouth vehicles, ten thousand rifles, ten thousand old machine guns, 80,000 automatic grenade catapults, and about 10,000 tons of various ammunition in a month.

Although the performance of these weapons and equipment is not advanced, it is enough to pose a threat to the Republican team.

According to Pei Chengyi's operational plan, the Air Force seized air supremacy after the war. The task was to bomb India's military industrial facilities, especially gun and ammunition factories. It can be seen from this that Pei Chengyi is most worried about the Indian army's weapons and equipment flowing into the civilian population, which poses a threat to the occupation in the later stage of the war.

It is precisely in this way that the Air Force of the Republic devotes most of its combat forces to strategic bombing.

This is by no means good news for India.

In the absence of air supremacy, it is not easy to keep the factory, and it is even more difficult to relocate the industry.

To make matters worse, with the entry of the Republic's naval fleet into the Indian Ocean, the risk of relocation of industrial infrastructure to the Deccan plateau increased considerably.

Although the Republic has not yet announced a strategic blockade of India, everyone knows that as long as the Republic's naval fleet is deployed, the Republic will impose a strategic blockade on India, and let the fleet undertake to strike at the southern part of India, that is, the area that is difficult for the tactical aviation of the Air Force to reach, and complete the strategic bombing operation against India together with the Air Force. According to the strike method of the Republican Air Force, the target of the Republic Navy must be India's industrial infrastructure, especially the military industrial infrastructure.

Instead of a refuge, the Deccan plateau threatens to become the graveyard of Indian factories.

Previous battles have shown that the Republic not only possesses powerful ground-penetrating weapons, but also dares to use ground-penetrating bombs on a large scale in battle. There is even enough reason to believe that the republic has long mastered the distribution of industry in India and, in response to the real situation, has prescribed special ammunition for bombing Indian factories that are hiding underground.

According to the most conservative estimates, the fleet of the Navy of the Republic will be deployed in place on the night of the 6th.

If it is not surprising, from this time on, the industrial base of the southern regions of India will be completely bombed by the naval aviation of the republic. Because the Indian Navy has lost its combat effectiveness, the warships that fled to Visakhapatnam are not only unable to compete with the Republican fleet for sea supremacy, but also unable to even go out of the port to fight. Therefore, it is very likely that the Republic Navy will adjust its tactics and use powerful naval guns to bombard shore targets.

In those years, the Navy of the Republic used the same method against Japan.

In Rurajapani's view, if air and sea supremacy cannot be regained, even if a complete industrial relocation is carried out and important industrial facilities are successfully transferred to the Deccan Plateau, the outcome will not change.

Without industrial support, no amount of military personnel mobilized can win the war.

For Rurajapani, the military threat from the outside world is even a secondary issue, and how to reconcile domestic contradictions and stabilize people's morale is a key issue.