Didn't show up at the meeting room. Pei Chengyi paid special attention to Prime Minister Yan Jingyu, who met for the first time

Judging from their appearance, Yan Jingyu and Wang Yuanqing are completely two kinds of people. Wang Yuanqing's career was smooth sailing, and he did not encounter many ups and downs, thus forming a relatively flamboyant catty. Sex, giving people a sense of aggressiveness, reveals a strong self-confidence and tough attitude in every gesture. Yan Jingyu's career is much more tortuous than Wang Yuanqing. From the grassroots level to the central government, we have experienced many hardships. As a result, a more introverted personality is formed. It gives people a sense of poised preparation, with a sense of sophistication and profundity in their speech and demeanor.

At first glance, Pei Chengyi saw what Yan Jingyu and Wang Yuanqing had in common: Net Yi.

There is no doubt that this is the key factor for Wang Yuanqing to focus on cultivating Yan Jingyu. Compared with Ye Zhisheng, Yan Jingyu's biggest feature is net yi. Never bow to your opponents, let alone make concessions on matters of principle. Ye Zhisheng, who has also followed Wang Yuanqing for many years, lacks this kind of personality. This has a lot to do with Ye Zhisheng's experience and the role he played by Wang Yuanqing's side. If Ye Zhisheng can have this characteristic, I'm afraid Yan Jingyu will not be as beautiful as he is now.

Personality determines the concept, the concept determines the attitude, and the attitude determines success or failure.

Pei Chengyi had to admire Wang Yuanqing's ability to employ and select people, judging from the development of the republic, Wang Yuanqing was able to complete political reform during his tenure, and he also needed a resolute Yuan.

After taking their seats, the secretary of the chief of the general staff, Dongfang Wen and others brought tea over.

"Now that we're all here, let's get started." Wang Yuanqing opened the topic, "Everyone knows what happened today, Foreign Minister Yan Shanglong has made a solemn promise on behalf of the Republic that we will do our best to help Sikkim build a state." This afternoon. I had a separate meeting with the Prime Minister of Sikkim, and Deputy Prime Minister Ye Zhisheng was solely responsible for the specific matters of sending troops to Sikkim. We have sent a note to India through diplomatic channels, asking India to make a formal reply within a week, with a detailed plan for the withdrawal of troops. If nothing else. In a week's time, the war will break out

Hearing Yuan's words, Pei Chengyi's brows jumped a few times.

Yuan Chenhao, who was sitting behind Pei Chengyi, also showed a look of surprise.

It was too hasty, and it was impossible to come up with a perfect combat plan within a week.

"It could be worse, maybe it would be better." Wang Yuanqing smiled, glanced at Yan Jingyu, who was sitting on his right, and said, "Premier Yan Jingyu is in charge of the negotiation with India. ”

Pei Chengyi looked at Yan Jingyu again.

The work arrangement of Yan Jingyu and Ye Zhisheng clearly reflects Yuan's tendency.

"The specific negotiations are still ongoing, and we have not received a reply from the Indian government for the time being, Yan Jingyu's voice is a little hoarse, not as loud as Wang Yuanqing." According to our analysis, India may have two options. One is the ostensible promise to withdraw troops from Sikkim, but the actual action is delaying time; The second is to directly reject the demand for withdrawal and strengthen armaments to cope with the war. The key to whether India will withdraw its troops from Sikkim is not the Indian government, but the United States. At the UN General Assembly. The United States did not block the vote on the restoration of Sikkim, but voted against it.

The intention of the United States is obvious, to use the Sikkim issue to provoke a war. In this case, the United States will certainly secretly support India. If five years ago, there might have been room to go around in circles, and Rurajapani wouldn't have been willing to go to war with us. It's just that the situation is very different now, and Rurajapani's influence in India is much less than it used to be. If the Indian Parliament vetoes the proposal to withdraw troops from Sikkim. Even if the war bill is passed, Rurajapani will have no choice, and we will have no choice. The Indian parliament is very sensitive to the Sikkim issue, and the traditional Indian forces, which control the majority of the seats in the parliament, will certainly not budge. As Meta said. A week later, the war will break out. When the war will break out depends on our military preparations

Wang Yuanqing turned his gaze to Xiang Linghui, and since he mentioned military issues, it was Xiang Linghui's turn.

"The top priority at the moment is to set up a command structure geared to the war as soon as possible." Xiang Linghui paused slightly, "After discussing with Pei Chengyi and others, I believe that under the condition that the purpose is to win the war. It's not just easier to set up a frontline command. It is also enough to cope with various situations during the war. Since the war will soon start, we should seize the time and implement the affairs related to the front-line command as soon as possible, so as to draw up a war plan as soon as possible. ”

Hearing Xiang Linghui's words, Pei Chengyi sighed secretly. The Chief of the General Staff also walked through Yu Honest. Although the purpose of mentioning Pei Chengyi is to emphasize Pei Chengyi's position in the General Staff and let Yuan know that Pei Chengyi played a role, but in front of so many people, there is no need to do this.

Wang Yuanqing also heard Xiang Linghui's off-string sound. said with a smile: "Since this is the case, the General Staff is responsible for this matter."

Xiang Linghui nodded and turned his gaze to Pei Chengyi.

"War planning involves many aspects. Because we need the participation of other departments, especially the departments of the State Council, we only have a set of brief plans related to combat operations for the time being Pei Chengyi looked back at Yuan Chenhao and said. "I returned to the General Staff, most of the work was done by Colonel Yuan Chenhao, he knows more about Ji Ge's thugs, let him introduce it to you."

Wang Yuanqing and others had known Yuan Chenhao for a long time, and they were not surprised.

Yuan Chenhao's performance was much better than Pei Chengyi expected, at least not in front of so many leaders.

After stepping onto the podium, Yuan Chenhao first pointed out the main points. "Compared to the conflict four years ago, this is an all-out war, so there are more troops participating in the battle, and the fighters... The mold is also larger. In addition to combat operations in the air. Ground combat operations will play a qualitative role, while naval combat operations will have a bearing on the success or failure of the entire war. ”

To explain the main points, Yuan Chenhao started with naval combat operations and introduced the key points in various aspects.

There is only one task in naval warfare: to seize sea supremacy in the Indian Ocean.

Although the Republic has established a network of military bases in the Indian Ocean, from Aden, Yemen, to Krabi, Thailand, with dozens of military bases, including seven naval bases, in the early stages of the war, especially before the war situation becomes clear, with the exception of Pakistan River, "the countries where these bases are located are likely to prohibit the use of military bases in their territory to launch military strikes against India in order to avoid being drawn into the war or to be retaliated by India." And so it goes. The only countries the Navy can rely on in the Indian Ocean are Pakistan's Gwadar military port and Karachi commercial port. Due to geographical limitations, it is difficult for other warships of the Republic Navy, except for submarines, to use these two ports before seizing sea supremacy. In a nutshell. The Navy of the Republic must rely on its own strength and travel thousands of kilometers to fight the Indian Navy in the Indian Ocean.

The problems caused by long-distance raids became the main problem for the navy.

Because Yuan Jinghao and Pei Chengyi were not admirals, they only gave a brief explanation of the issue of naval operations.

It's a logistical obstacle. In the initial operation, all six aircraft carrier battle groups entered the Indian Ocean, and the problem of supporting large warships in the vicinity was very conspicuous. As standard, each carrier battle group needs two fast combat support fleets, even if it is possible to form a larger carrier battle group, plus take the initiative to challenge the Indian fleet and shorten the combat time. It is possible to reduce the number of fast combat support fleets by half, and also need 6 fast combat support fleets, that is, 6 fast combat support ships, Kankan integrated supply ships, and 6 ammunition supply ships. Because the Indian Navy has a submarine force of considerable size, even if the six combat support fleets are integrated into two large combat support fleets. It is also necessary to supply at least multipurpose destroyers with 8 anti-submarine frigates. From this, in addition to the phantom many ships in the aircraft carrier battle group. It is also necessary to dispatch old supply ships and escort warships. A total of four warships were mobilized, and almost all the large warships of the Republic Navy were required to be dispatched. The support and support capabilities of the rear bases will be put to the most severe test.

The second is coordinated operations. The naval fleet is out of the Indian Ocean, and because it cannot use the overseas military bases along the way, the navy's shore-based and shore-based aviation units can only dispatch long-range patrol aircraft and strategic bombers to support the fleet. After entering the Indian Ocean. If no agreement can be reached with Burma and Bangladesh to allow the Republic's combat aircraft to enter the Indian Ocean through the channel of the fighters, then the fleet will be supported by the air forces deployed in Pakistan only after reaching the Arabian Sea. Before that, it is quite possible that the Indian Navy will take the initiative. Combined shore-based aviation against the fleet of the Republic. In the absence of a solution, the fleet of the Navy of the Republic must be prepared to deal with the whole pound individually. Preparation of the naval and air forces of India.

3. Walk into the army line. There are only four passages for the Navy of the Republic to enter the Indian Ocean: first, it bypasses the Philippines, goes south from the western Pacific, and enters the Dihan Sea through the Maluku Strait and the Banda Sea, which belongs to the eastern route of the Indian Ocean. The second is from the South China Sea to the south, through the Jawa Sea into the Bali Sea, and finally from the Lombok Strait into the middle line of the Indian Ocean, because it needs to enter Indonesia's territorial waters and inland seas. So there will be political and diplomatic troubles; The third is to go south from the South China Sea and enter the Claw Sea. The western route from the Sunda Strait into the Indian Ocean. Because both the Jawa Sea and the Sunda Strait are international public waters, there will be no political and diplomatic troubles; Fourth, the northern route from the South China Sea to the South China Sea and the Strait of Malacca into the Indian Ocean, although this route is the shortest and there are no political and diplomatic troubles, but after entering the Indian Ocean, the fleet will run into the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which are heavily fortified by the Indian army, and the waters along the way are relatively narrow. Not only is it easy to be blocked by the Indian Navy, but it is also not very suitable for the operation of the Grand Fleet. Strictly speaking. All four passages are less than ideal and have shortcomings. Where to enter the Indian Ocean will have a direct impact on naval warfare.

While there are other issues, these three are the most critical.

In response to these three problems, Yuan Chenhao put forward several solutions. In terms of logistical support, some fast merchant ships sailing above the festival level were mobilized to assemble in the southern waters of the South China Sea to provide support for combat ships and supply ships at any time, so as to reduce the fleet's round-trip time between the battlefield and the rear ports. Improve the efficiency of logistics support. In terms of coordinated operations, we will strive for some allies that do not have much relationship with India, such as Vietnam and Cambodia, to deploy long-range support combat aircraft to the air bases of these countries to provide intelligence, information, communications, and command support for the fleet, so as to reduce the combat pressure on the fleet. In terms of the route of the march, the first step is to strengthen the work of deception and camouflage to create a false impression for the opponent. Then the sequence of operations is arranged according to the actual situation. Adopt a divided approach to the Indian Ocean. Make it more difficult for the Indian Navy to intercept it.

Of course, these solutions are not perfect, and many problems need to be solved when formulating the battle plan.

In general, the Navy has the most operational difficulties and the most problems. From the point of view of the entire combat operation, the task of the Navy is the most important. Whether India can be defeated quickly and whether it can minimize war losses is decisive for the Navy's actions. In the words of Yuan Chenhao's summary: The navy is well fought, everything is fine!

After introducing naval operations, Yuan Chenhao began to introduce air operations.

As with naval operations, the biggest problem with air operations remains

"The heart of the father is diligent and safeguarded.

In order to let the participating leaders have a more intuitive understanding, Yuan Chenhao did not use concepts to explain the problem, but came up with a lot of statistics.

Prior to this, there were two regional wars in which the Republic was associated with the Republic and in which the Air Force played a crucial role.

During the Peninsular War, the average material consumption of the air force was as high as Zhaoweitun; During the Japanese War, the average daily material consumption of the Air Force reached Asahi even higher. Station. Because it covers the entire large-scale combat range, in the early stage of the two wars, that is, when the combat missions were the heaviest, the average daily material consumption of the air force was in common with the war on the old 10,000-ton Zuogong Peninsula and the war against Japan, that is, it was backed by the eastern and northeastern regions with the largest economy and the most transportation of the republic, and the pressure on material transportation was not great. In the war against India, the air force of the Republic of China can only rely on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau and the northwest region, which are the most remote and least accessible areas of the Republic.

There are only four railways in the region, to be precise, three, because the Xin-Tibet Railway is an extension of the Xinluo Railway, and the railway to Pakistan is also an extension of the Xinluo Railway, with an average daily material delivery capacity of about 10,000 tons, while the average daily material transportation capacity of the highway lines connecting to various air bases along the line is only 10,000 tons. Because the Army and Air Force will share the main rail line, the Army's demand for supplies is much higher than that of the Air Force, so the transportation capacity that can be allocated to the Air Force is very limited. It is necessary to complete the transfer and storage of materials before the outbreak of war, and at least it is necessary to stock up on all kinds of materials at the front-line airfields that are enough to meet the needs of the thugs for months of combat. The solution, not none, but just costly, is the use of Air Force transport aircraft to deliver war materiel to front-line airfields. The Air Force of the Republic of China is equipped with all-electric transport aircraft, which are much cheaper to use than turbofan-powered US military transport aircraft, and the cost of large-scale air transportation is still far greater than that of railways and roads. What is even more serious is that transport planes will inevitably crowd out the operating space of front-line airfields, which will have an impact on combat operations.

Inconvenience in transportation is only one of the logistical problems.

On the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau and in the northwest region, based on the national boundary of the Republic, there are only 7 air bases in the rear, and only 7 air bases in the rear, and only Chouchu air bases in the rear. Extending back to the heart of the mouth of the kilometer, there is only a total of flying air bases. Among the five air bases within a kilometer radius, there are no fighters, and the tactical aviation wing, and the other sources only meet the C-level standard, that is, they can only support one tactical aviation group. From this, it can be calculated that only one tactical aviation brigade can be deployed at the base, and a total of more than four fighters can be deployed in terms of fighter jets per catty. Because each base also has to set aside some forces to support the support aviation, so according to the normal ratio, that is, the standard of 7 to 3. Only about Asahi fighters can be deployed in the forward area. In a full-scale war, at least fighter jets need to be put into the frame, and the forward deployment capacity is less than half of the normal investment capacity! If the tactical fighter is deployed backwards, that is, in the fight, it is necessary to invest at least Naihao tankers. Counting those transport planes that can be temporarily converted into tankers, the Republic Air Force only has tanker planes in total, which cannot meet the operational needs. There is only one solution, and that is to invest in strategic aviation to reduce the operational pressure on tactical aviation.

Compared to the Navy, the troubles of the Air Force are somewhat easier to solve.

Relatively speaking, the problem of the army is the same, logistics support cannot keep up.

According to the operational input of the Peninsula War, a field army participating in the war "will be able to use up nearly 10,000 tons of materials within a few days." If the battle is fierce, the average daily material consumption is likely to exceed 10,000 tons.

So much if the supplies are transported by rail. Cardio wagons are required; If it is transported by road, it will be a stew-class truck; If it is transported by airplane, it is necessary to persuade 2 fights to be willing to play in the pocket or rack the old.

Like the Air Force, the Army has the problem of insufficient support capabilities of the base. Only 3 corps can be deployed at forward bases, and a maximum of 1 corps can be deployed at second-line bases. The third-line base can also deploy only 7 corps. Because India's strength is far greater than that of South Korea, the total investment of the army must be barely enough for a single army higher than that of the Korean Peninsula War. As a large-scale war, reserves have to be considered, and the base support capacity is completely unable to meet the needs of the war.

When introducing the situation of the Air Force and the Army. Yuan Chenhao has been emphasizing logistical support.

In Yuan Chenhao's view, logistics support is simply a threshold that cannot be crossed.

In fact, even if Yuan Chenhao didn't say this problem, Wang Yuanqing knew it in his heart. The issue of southern Tibet has dragged on for several years and has not been resolved because the logistical support is too difficult.

After Yuan Chenhao's introduction, Pei Chengyi sighed secretly.

After talking for a long time, Yuan Chenhao ignored the two most important issues, and even ignored a catty. Key issues for this meeting.

Let him go up and introduce the situation, not to hit the confidence of the leader, but to convince the leader that even if the conditions are difficult, the republican team has the ability to defeat a strong enemy.

According to Yuan Chenhao's statement, it is simply increasing the morale of others and destroying his own prestige!