The staff officers of the General Staff Department did not have a complete understanding of the situation on the front line, so they said, "For two days, Pei Chengyi has been immersed in the communication center of the General Staff, and through remote command, Yuan Chenhao arranged for the staff officers of the front command headquarters to formulate a battle plan. Considering that few of the country's leaders are proficient in military affairs, and few can understand professional battle plans, let alone have time to read in detail the tactical plans that are thousands of pages thick, Pei Chengyi asked the staff officers to first formulate an overall campaign plan, that is, how to carry out the campaign after adjusting the war plan, how many troops and materials need to be invested, how long it lasts, what purpose can be achieved, etc., and then connect the various campaign plans in series to form a brief war plan.

While Pei Chengyi was busy formulating a new war plan, Wang Yuanqing was also busy doing related work.

From the perspective of the country as a whole, Wang Yuanqing's main concern is not when the war will end, but how much impact it will have on the country after adjusting the war plan, and whether these effects can be eliminated. Or to minimize the impact and ensure that the country is in a normal state to the greatest extent.

Among the many issues, Wang Yuanqing first considered the issue of military strength.

There is no doubt that it will be difficult for the ground combat forces that are now committed to keep up with the new degree of warfare.

Although according to the original war calculations. It is still necessary to occupy most of India before the end of the large-scale military campaign, but there is a very important precondition for the formation of a new regime after the occupation of New Delhi, and then to arm a military force for the new regime, which will be tasked with maintaining social order. Because the large-scale military operation could not be concluded until the end of the year, there was enough time to support the new regime and build up military forces, and the offensive operations on the front were much slower and would not have much impact on combat operations. The problem now is that the offense has significantly accelerated. If the occupation of New Delhi and the support of the new regime are still carried out, it will not be possible to raise enough troops before the end of the large-scale military operation. When the time comes, either India will be given a civil war, or the combat units will be given the task of occupation. There is no doubt that the consequences of both options are serious. The former would seriously undermine the benefits of the war to the republic, and no matter what the civil war turned out to be, an India in ruins would certainly not be the export market and labor export place that the republic wanted. The latter will cause the war to wear out and casualties beyond the Republic's ability to bear, and will also exacerbate the resistance of the Indian people, with serious implications for the future relationship between the Republic and India.

Wang Yuanqing knows very well that Pei Chengyi is also thinking about this problem, otherwise he would not directly propose two solutions.

The first option is not very feasible. In addition to the reluctance of the allies to send more troops, it was also related to the secret agreements reached before the war. In accordance with the commitments made by the republic, the occupied territories controlled by the countries. It will become the basis for dividing the spheres of influence of various countries in India after the war. Other words. Whoever controls more is responsible and benefits greater. Although this agreement had the effect of encouraging the allies to send troops, the other countries except Pakistan were weak. The ability to withstand war is also poor, and it is not necessarily willing to carry a greater burden. In Bangladesh, for example, there is an explicit claim to control West Bengal and neighbouring ethnic Bengali areas. They are not willing to take on policing in other occupied territories. From the point of view of the republic. Because in order to control a huge market of hundreds of millions of people through this war, even if it can sign benefit-sharing agreements such as "open door policies" with allies, it will not fundamentally protect the interests of the republic. The most ideal approach. It is still about controlling India by propping up a pro-China regime, not dismembering it.

The second option seems ideal. There are many problems with implementation. Among other things, to support the new regime, it is necessary to provide a place for the new regime, and the most ideal and convincing place is certainly New Delhi. It is possible to set up a new regime elsewhere, but from a diplomatic point of view, if the new Indian regime is to be universally accepted by the international community, it is necessary to occupy New Delhi and make New Delhi the capital of the new regime. In doing so, at least formally, the new regime was given legitimacy, and the old regime that had fled south became a government-in-exile.

How easy is it to occupy New Delhi?

According to Pei Chengyi's plan, whether to fight New Delhi or not is a problem.

Of course, Wang Yuanqing is very aware of Pei Chengyi's political acumen. Although he didn't understand it on the first night, with Pei Chengyi's gaze, when he was formulating a combat plan. The attack on New Delhi will definitely be placed on a more important individual basis, and it is even possible to attack New Delhi first and then turn south.

Even so, the problem is still tricky.

According to Wang Yuanqing's estimate, even if New Delhi is occupied before the old moon, and then the new regime is brought to power, and at the same time it begins to form and train a "new Indian army." "By the Spring Festival of the Western Year, at most an army with no more than 10,000 people will be armed, and it is very likely that it will be a paramilitary force with little combat effectiveness. With such troops, it is certainly impossible to control the whole of India. In order to stabilize India's domestic situation, it is necessary to at least have a "new army". There is no doubt that the peeping will definitely continue until the end of the station. The Forces nouvelles could not afford to shoulder the heavy responsibilities, and the fighting units of the Republic had to remain on the front lines. If that's the case. What's the point of ending the war at the beginning of the island?

As a politician, Wang Yuanqing does not think like a soldier.

In fact, with the means of the military, it is impossible to solve this problem.

The solution is not difficult, but it is necessary to weigh the pros and cons in more depth.

With Wang Yuanqing's strategic vision, it is impossible for him not to know how to solve it. In the final analysis, the solution is very simple, Yibulon is to establish a people's government as soon as possible after the end of the war, Fu, "Give it back to India, the Republic will try not to interfere in India's internal affairs, and the Indians will decide the future of India."

Although this is also a step that must be taken. But there is a fundamental difference between walking early and walking late.

According to Wang Yuanqing's original idea, for a period of time after the end of the war, the military control policy in India must be implemented in the name of humanitarian aid, post-war reconstruction, and so on, and when the social order in India is stabilized and the material supply can meet the needs of the vast majority of the people, then consider lifting the military control policy and forming a formal government through general elections. This defines India's political system and the basic structure of the state.

Arguably, this is the safest thing to do. The interests of the republic are also best realized.

There are many problems with the early introduction of democracy in India, such as the impact of the war on Indians. Ultra-nationalist sentiment can have a huge impact on democratic elections, and the combination of democracy and ultra-nationalism will make India once again a serious threat to the Republic. In any case, Wang Yuanqing did not want another war in India decades from now.

It is not impossible to achieve the original goal. It just brings more problems.

According to Wang Yuanqing's vision, he had to make concessions on the management of the occupied areas and hand over some of the power to the Indians, rather than the occupation army controlling the life and death of the local people, and the resulting questions were enough to give Wang Yuanqing a headache, such as whether other allies would agree to do so; Then it is necessary to increase aid to India and restore normal order in the occupied areas as soon as possible, so that the people in the occupied areas can live a better life than before the war, and the huge investment generated by this can also give Wang Yuanqing a headache. For example, to maintain the lives of hundreds of millions or even billions of people, it is necessary to use up the grain in the strategic granary of the republic, and the compensation for the victims of the war is enough to increase the republic's war budget by several percent; Finally, it is necessary to support a group of enlightened politicians in the occupied territories to play a key role in the construction of India's democratic institutions, and the resulting problems will also be difficult for Wang Yuanqing, such as how to determine who is an enlightened politician. It's a question to be discussed.

There is nothing difficult in the world, but I am afraid of those who have a heart.

Although Wang Yuanqing knows that there are ways to solve these problems. But there is a high price to pay for this.

At this point, Wang Yuanqing had to consider a question that only politicians would consider, that is, whether the benefits gained from ending the war ahead of schedule could be compensated for the price paid. If the answer is no, there is no attraction to end the war early. If the answer is yes, Wang Yuanqing will fully support Pei Chengyi.

There is no doubt that this problem cannot be measured in terms of input.

Thinking of this, even Wang Yuanqing had to admit that Pei Chengyi was not only a very politically minded soldier, but also a soldier who could think about problems with a politician's way of thinking.

At the meeting, Pei Chengyi clearly mentioned that the biggest benefit is the benefit that cannot be measured by money.

Whether the original words were said or not, Wang Yuanqing can't remember clearly, anyway, that's what it meant.

In fact, it is also true that many things that are closely related to national interests cannot be measured in monetary terms.

Among other things, the impact of the war on the diplomacy of the Republic cannot be measured in monetary terms. Although the conspiracy of the United States was successfully defused and the European Union and Russia were stabilized by making a big fuss about public opinion, as the war progressed, those countries that valued their interests more than anything else at a time when everyone knew that the republic could gain great benefits from the war. Surely the republic will not be left to its own devices. Nothing else is guaranteed. Wang Yuanqing can at least conclude that the United States will put forward the principle of "equal benefits" in the later stage of the war, demanding that the Republic open up India after the war, open the Indian market to the whole world, and prevent the Republic from dominating India. As long as the United States takes the lead, the European Union and Russia, which are now amicable to the republic, will certainly actively follow up and share the benefits of the war.

What should I do when the time comes?

There is no doubt that the republic cannot offend all the powerful regions, let alone stand on the opposite side of the world.

For this alone, the war must be brought to an end as soon as possible.

In other words, the sooner the war ends. The less opportunities Western countries have to meddle in India's post-war affairs. The less likely it is to share the benefits of the war with the Republic. Although in terms of paperwork, the republic must let some countries taste the sweetness. But diplomatic struggles are the same as military struggles, and whoever holds the initiative will cut the cake. The sooner the war ends. The more obvious the initiative in the hands of the republic. At that time, it will not be the Western countries that will force the republic to share more of the cake, but the republic will decide how to share the cake and to whom it will give a little more. Give a little less to whom. With this power in their hands, Western countries will have to act according to the face of the republic, instead of following the coaxing of the United States. If used well, India's cake can play a bigger role, for example, by polarizing Western society.

It can be said that Wang Yuanqing can think of these problems and deal with them well.

The benefits brought by this are enough to make Wang Yuanqing tempted.

From the point of view of the national interests of the Republic, especially the long-term national interests, after the end of the War in India, there will be no peripheral threat to the Republic, and the strategic expansion operations that began in the era of Kiyokoku will come to an end. In the following decades, the republic had only two important issues to solve, to be precise, an important one, and that was to concentrate on solving the social problems caused by the aging of the population, and the comprehensive implementation of political reform was only one of the important means to solve the problem of population aging, not the main problem.

No doubt. Stop it

The name "defense" is actually a defense that is mainly based on active offense. Just as the United States vigorously pursued its strategic defense policy at this stage, in fact, it was creating problems for the republic at every turn. After the completion of the strategic transformation, the republic will certainly compete with the United States in various fields around the world. Create trouble for the United States and try by all means to weaken the international status of the United States and undermine its international prestige.

To deal with the United States, it is certainly not possible to rely on the republic alone. Rather, it is necessary to harness the power of the whole world.

That is, the foreign policy of the republic had to be comprehensively adjusted, with the main purpose of "making friends".

The first thing the republic has to fight for is the European Union and Russia. Taking advantage of the EU's hope to finally achieve comprehensive reunification through political integration and Russia's eagerness to move towards strategic rejuvenation, the United States has actively wooed the EU and Russia under the pretext of building a "multipolar world", so that the United States has to deal with challenges from all sides, so that it is unable to concentrate its forces on the republic, and even has to compromise with the republic on key issues.

If we want to achieve this goal, that is, to win over the EU and Russia, we must let the EU and Russia taste the sweetness.

It is necessary not only to let the EU and Russia taste the sweetness, but also to make the EU and Russia feel that the republic is a friend with whom they can interact.

Only if the republic decides how to cut the cake of India can the EU and Russia be grateful to the republic after tasting the sweetness.

No doubt. Getting the EU and Russia to gain something in India will be a foreign policy in the new era.

The resulting benefits. It is absolutely impossible to measure it in money.

Pei Chengyi mentioned this issue lightly, that is, he hoped that Yuan and other leaders would believe that the only way to end the war in India was to end it early. Only then can the republic seize the initiative in the future international game.

As a matter of fact. No need to be reminded by Pei Chengyi. Wang Yuanqing understands this truth.

Gu Weimin also understands this truth, Yan Jingyu will not be worse than Gu Weimin. Whether Ye Zhisheng understands this truth or not, Wang Yuanqing is a little uncertain. Because in his opinion, Ye Zhisheng is the kind of administrative official who is good at handling details, not the kind of politician who has a long-term strategic vision. It is precisely because of this that when Wang Yuanqing returned to the Central Committee, he first brought Ye Zhisheng back and asked Ye Zhisheng to handle a lot of administrative affairs for him. Transferring Yan Jingyu back to the central government and directly putting him in the position of premier of the State Council is also Wang Yuanqing's long-term consideration, because as a local official, if Yan Jingyu wants to grasp the state power of the republic, he must first be familiar with the operation of the central government. Back then, when Wang Yuanqing served as Ji Youguo's assistant, he had a very deep understanding of the operation of the central government. Before becoming the state minister, Wang Yuanqing also served as a vice minister for five years, during which time he gained the ability to manage the work of the central government.

Of course. Regardless of whether Ye Zhisheng understands it or not, Wang Yuanqing is on the 3rd of the month. That is, Pei Chengyi made a decision on the second day after returning to the capital.

Before Pei Chengyi submitted the war plan. Wang Yuanqing convened Gu Weimin, Yan Jingyu, Ye Zhisheng and Yan Shanglong for an internal meeting. The attitude is clear. Specific work was arranged. As Wang Yuanqing expected, neither Gu Weimin nor Yan Jingyu raised objections, and as a foreign minister who was proficient in diplomacy, Yan Shanglong also believed that it was necessary to speed up the course of the war. Although Ye Zhisheng did not raise objections. It's just that I still don't quite understand Wang Yuanqing's arrangement.

Everything is ready, only the east wind is owed.

To be precise, only the last procedure remains.

On the night of the 4th of the month, Pei Chengyi followed Xiang Linghui to the Yuan Mansion again and officially submitted the revised war plan.

Wang Yuanqing only took a cursory look at it, signed at the end of the document, and asked the secretary to stamp the Yuan seal. Several other leaders did not object, but each raised a few noteworthy issues. In Xiang's view, this is difficult to understand, because just two days ago, national leaders, including Wang Yuanqing, questioned Pei Chengyi's war plan "and even thought it was not feasible."

Pei Chengyi was not surprised, he could see the great benefits of ending the war early, and naturally believed that Yuan would not look away.

After the battle plan was approved, Pei Chengyi and Xiang Linghui left the Yuan Mansion.

Although Xiang Linghui asked Pei Chengyi to stay for one more day. He will leave for Wazirabad early tomorrow morning, but Pei Chengyi still declined Xiang Linghui's kindness and left the capital on a special plane of the Air Force that night.

For Pei, time is very tight.

On the way back, he received a call from Yuan Chenhao, and the assault troops led by Ling Yunxiao had returned to Zhanxi in the evening of the same day and began to rest as planned.

Back at the frontline headquarters, the first message Pei Chengyi received was that the last Indian troops in Bhopal had surrendered.

Although before that, that is, around the mouth of the 4th of the month, Yuan Chenhao ordered the engineering troops to go to the area controlled by the Wu army and start building infrastructure according to Ji Ge's "order, even if there are still some Indian troops with strong fortifications, it will not have much impact on the next stage of offensive operations, but the last Indian army disarmed and surrendered. It saved a lot of trouble for the Bi army, and allowed the soldiers of the Nu army to get rest. According to Tang Yinglong's promise, only a thug is needed. He Jun was able to regain full combat effectiveness and participate in the westward expansion campaign.

Being able to dispatch more fighters and a heavy armored army is definitely a good thing among good things!