Che Chengyi, who appeared at the end of the road, stood up. [No pop-up novel network] dedicated to the two "fierce guardrails." After seeing clearly that it was several cars with military plates, Pei Chengyi immediately went downstairs and came to the gate of the courtyard. After a while, the convoy stopped on the side of the road outside, and a major officer in an army uniform got out of the car and walked over to Pei Chengyi, who was wearing civilian clothes.

"General". The action of the major officer salute is very standard.

Pei Chengyi returned the salute and looked at the major.

"General, I am Major Dongfang Wen of the Operations Department of the General Staff, and Major Officer said as he spoke. On the other hand, the military card was handed to Pei Chengyi. "Chief of the General Staff, please go back immediately."

"Now?. Pei Chengyi glanced at it. returned the military ID card to Major Dongfang Wen.

Officer Dongfang Wen nodded and said, "The plane is ready to take off at any time, please get in the car."

"You have to wait for me to change my clothes and say hello to my family, right?"

The major officer was stunned for a moment, then smiled shyly.

"You guys wait here, I'll be out in ten minutes."

After glancing at the major officer, Pei Chengyi turned around and returned to the house, greeted his wife who was busy making dinner, went upstairs to visit his mother who was paralyzed in bed, went back to the room to change into a military uniform, packed up a few sets of spare military uniforms and a change of underwear, and brought a photo of his daughter. By the time he reached the courtyard, the minutes had passed.

Before getting into the car, Pei Chengyi glanced at his wife who appeared on the balcony on the second floor.

After the convoy hit the road, Pei Chengyi let out a long breath. He knew that it wouldn't be days, maybe months, or even years!

"General, do you smoke?" Major Dongfang Wen must have known about Pei Chengyi's situation before he came.

Pei Chengyi took the cigarette handed over, and his movements were a little rusty when he lit the cigarette.

"Don't worry, this is the latest product, absolutely nicotine-free, no matter how much you smoke, it is harmless to the body."

"Nicotine-free, is it addictive?"

Dongfang was stunned for a moment and didn't argue with Pei Chengyi.

Pei Chengyi also did not embarrass the major officer. Turned his gaze to the window.

For Lieutenant General Pei Chengyi, who has just passed his mother's birthday, the experience of the past few years has made him feel like a world away.

After the "end" of the Sino-Indian border conflict. Pei Chengyi did not stay long in the General Staff Headquarters before he was sent to the National Defense University by Xiang Linghui for further study. Although nominally, Pei Chengyi was the leader of the first batch of advanced generals. benefited a lot from it, but Pei Chengyi knew the reason why Xiang Linghui asked him to leave the General Staff.

If nothing else, Xiang Linghui will resign as chief of the general staff in the year of the force, that is, after the change of government.

Although Pei Chengyi's performance fully met or even fully exceeded the basic requirements for serving as chief of the General Staff, it was impossible for Xiang Chengyi to become the new chief of the General Staff when Xiang Linghui was unwilling to embarrass Yuan. According to the system laid down during the second military reform, Xiang Linghui was replaced as chief of the general staff by either Lin Xiaolei or Zhang Zhongxian.

In terms of qualifications, Pei Chengyi is one step worse than the two

Of course, this is not the main reason why Xiang Linghui asked Pei Chengyi to "avoid suspicion".

Although Xiang Linghui never mentioned to Pei Chengyi the fundamental reason for letting him leave the General Staff, Poison Chengyi knew that Xiang Linghui was asking him to "retreat as advance." ”

Pei Chengyi stayed in the General Staff, and Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian would regard him as their strongest competitor. According to the simplest principle of struggle, Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian will definitely join forces to get rid of the main competitor and then decide the level. Pei Chengyi took the initiative to leave the General Staff, so that Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian lost their common "enemy", and there was no need to deal with Pei Chengyi, so that the contradiction between the two quickly intensified.

No matter which of the two has the last laugh, they will be snubbed by Wang Yuanqing because they are too exposed.

The exhibition of the incident confirmed Pei Chengyi's speculation. When he was studying at the National Defense University, Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian first had a conflict over the military budget in the year of the blade. Although it's just a gap. However, the military budget is a secondary issue, and the main question is who will lead the construction of the republic. Since then, the contradiction between Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian has surfaced. Even if the two have no selfish intentions and compete for military spending for the future development of their own services, this alone can determine the status of the two and thus determine the future chief of the general staff.

The end result was unexpected.

Wang Yuanqing first played 50 boards for each of them. Then, before the change of office, the last task of the second military reform was completed, that is, the command mechanism of the General Staff Headquarters was comprehensively adjusted, and finally Peng Maobang was invited back to the capital, and Zhang Maobang came forward to do the work for Xiang Linghui, so that Xiang Linghui stayed.

In other words, Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian competed for me, and finally cheapened Xiang Linghui!

This result was not even taken into account by Pei Chengyi.

Afterwards, Pei Chengyi had to admit that Xiang Linghui was cautious in this matter. supported Pei Chengyi and led to the contradiction between Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian, and Xiang Linghui became the biggest beneficiary. In other words, Xiang Linghui's fundamental purpose is not to let Pei Chengyi avoid the struggle within the army, but to give himself a chance to succeed. In a sense. Xiang Linghui put Pei Chengyi together, and dragged Pei Chengyi back for his own interests.

At that time, Pei Chengyi felt very uncomfortable, and even had the idea of retiring.

It wasn't until the beginning of the year, that is, when Pei Chengyi completed his two-year training and was about to leave the National Defense University, that a meeting with Wang Yuanqing made him change his mind. At that time, Wang Yuanqing participated in the graduation ceremony of the first general training class as the commander of the republican ** team, personally wore brand-new epaulettes for dozens of young Zhuang generals, including Pei Chengyi, and also participated in the graduation banquet held that night. During the banquet, Wang Yuanqing singled out Pei Chengyi, and discussed the situation of the old thug republic with several young Zhuang leaders who commanded several wars. When talking to Wang Yuanqing, Pei Chengyi learned that Xiang Linghui had long wanted to leave the General Staff, but he didn't make it, not because he didn't want to leave, but because Wang Yuanqing stayed. The reason is very simple: A large-scale war against India is about to break out, and the entire operational plan is completed under the auspices of Xiang Linghui, and if the chief of the general staff is replaced at this time, whether it is Lin Xiaolei or Zhang Zhongxian, it is impossible for Xiang Linghui to command the combat operations in full accordance with Yuan's will. He is not the best wartime military commander.

Xiang Linghui is very important, and Pei Chengyi is also very important. Because Pei Chengyi is the specific formulator of the combat plan.

Wang Yuanqing talked to Pei Chengyi alone, which not only eliminated Mu Chengyi's suspicion of Xiang Linghui, but also gave Pei Chengyi a deeper understanding of the obligations and responsibilities of soldiers.

After graduating, Bae Seung-yi did not return to the General Staff, but went to Islamabad as a military coordinator.

In addition to helping Pakistan complete the reform of its military command structure, Pei Chengyi was mainly to provide strategic guidance to Pakistan so that Pakistan and the Republic could complete war preparations at the same time.

In Islamabad, Pei Chengyi met his current wife, Liu Qingqing, who was the Republic's top secretary in Pakistan at the time.

It only took half a century for the two to get married. It can be regarded as a "flash marriage" Pei Chengyi is not interested in Liu Qingqing's identity as a diplomat, nor his father-in-law Liu Yulong, who was then the director of the South Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, but the similar working environment of the two. As the secretary of embassies and consulates abroad, Liu Qingqing has worked abroad for a long time, and like Pei Chengyi has worked in the army for a long time, he has long adapted to the life of a person, even if her husband is not around for a long time, she will not have many complaints. According to a survey conducted by the Ministry of Defense of divorced servicemen, the vast majority are related to the long-term separation of the couple.

Marriage and daughter changed Pei Chengyi's life and also affected his career.

Like any father, Pei Chengyi spends more energy on his daughter and on his family. Because he was assigned a single-family courtyard, Pei Chengyi brought his mother, who was paralyzed by cerebral hemorrhage in his early years, to Pakistan. Two Pakistani army orderlies were also hired.

It can be said that in the past two years in Pakistan, Pei Chengyi is more like an ordinary person.

Of course, Pei Chengyi did not forget the duty of a soldier because of this.

There are many pieces, and the changes in the republic are even more significant.

In the middle of the milk thug year, after the situation was humble and stable, his wife Yuqing and the whole administrative district Ge with sharp ears and axes.

It seems that this leads to political reform without much laughter; In fact, this is a necessary step to deepen political reform.

According to the "Implementation Rules for the Revision and Adjustment of Administrative Divisions" adopted by the Plenary Congress in July of the year of the milk beater, the next provincial-level administrative regions in the country, excluding the Macao and Hong Kong Special Administrative Regions, have been reorganized and divided into Zhao provincial-level administrative regions, and the new provincial-level administrative regions include the former Xinjiang Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture of the Ili Kazakh Autonomous Region, the Bayingolin Mongolian Autonomous Region, the former Xinjiang Bayingolin Mongolian Autonomous Prefecture, the former Xinjiang Luoshi Prefecture and Hotan Prefecture of the Municipality directly under the Central Government of Western Xinjiang, the former Ali Prefecture of Tibet and the Rikrotse Region of the Shanbei Tibetan Autonomous Region, Shannan Prefecture of Tibet, Milin and Motuo Counties of Nyingchi, and recovered southern Tibet, Alxa League, Bayannur City and parts of Ordos City of the Western Mongolian Autonomous Region, Hulunbuir City and Xing'an League of Hulunbuir City, Jiuquan City, Zhangye City, Jinchang City and Wuwei City of Ganbei Province, Aba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture and Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Western Sichuan Autonomous Region, Dazhou City, Bazhong City, Nanchong City and Guang'an City of Dongchuan Municipality, Daxinganling District of Northern Province, Heihe City, Qiqihar City, and Yichun City, Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Southwest Autonomous Region, Lijiang City, Dali Bai Autonomous Prefecture, Baoshan City, Lincang City, Nujiang Statue Autonomous Region and Panzhihua City, Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture District, Dalian City, Yingkou City, Anshan City and Dandong City of Liaodong Municipality, Weihai City, Yantai City and Qingdao City of Shanhuang Municipality, Xuzhou City, Lianyungang City, Suqian City, Huai'an City and Yancheng City of Northern Jiangsu Municipality, Longyan City, Zhangzhou City, Xiamen City and Quanzhou City of Funan Municipality, Jilin Province, Hubei Province, Hunan Province, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Guizhou Province, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Guangdong Province, Jiangxi Province, Xijiang Province and Hebei Province.

This reform has not only made the provincial-level administrative regions smaller, but also made a comprehensive adjustment to the economic layout of the whole country.

Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and other autonomous regions with few people will be divided into provincial-level administrative regions. The addition of several municipalities to neighbouring countries such as Pakistan, Nepal, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and North Korea has greatly contributed to increasing border trade. Strengthen economic and trade exchanges between the Republic and its neighboring regions. The sub-provincial cities in the coastal areas are set up as municipalities directly under the central government, such as the municipality directly under the central government of Liaodong, the municipality directly under the central government of Shanhuang, the municipality directly under the central government in northern Jiangsu, and the municipality directly under the central government of Funan. It can more effectively wave the economic radiation capacity of Dalian, Qingdao and Xiamen and other big cities and cities, and drive the economic development of the surrounding areas. Establish new provincial-level administrative regions in backward or remote areas, such as municipalities directly under the central government in the east and municipalities directly under the central government in northern Jiangsu. It can increase the support for the underreached areas and accelerate the economic development of the underreached areas.

In addition to economic reasons, the main reason for adjusting the sentences of provincial-level administrative districts is political reform.

With the increase in the number of provincial-level administrative divisions. Power is inevitably dispersed, weakening the power of local governments. This makes it difficult for local governments to resist the central government's reform policies. Stunned, after the general election, Wang Yuanqing quickened the pace of political reform. In addition to the universal suffrage of grassroots representatives at the county level within the country. In Liaodong, Hebei, Shandong, Shanhuang, northern Jiangsu, Jiangsu, Shanghai, Xijiang, Fujian, Funan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Dongchuan and Chongqing, the provincial-level administrative regions have also carried out the pilot work of "direct election of county-level grass-roots governments", that is, the county-level congress elects instead of the higher-level appointments, and directly produces the county-level government.

Reform has come to this point, and it has become unstoppable.

It can be said that it was only at this time that political reform touched the core interests of local officials.

County representatives are directly elected by citizens, who then elect representatives to select government officials. In this way, the responsibility of the county-level government is no longer for the higher-level government, but for the representatives who cast their votes and the citizens who choose to represent them. With the change in who is responsible for the government, the appointment of government officials is no longer decided solely by the higher levels of government, but by the citizens. Although the reform was not carried out thoroughly. For example, county-level government officials want to be promoted. There is still a need for promotions from higher government officials. But for county officials to gain support, they must be held accountable to the citizens who choose them.

According to the predictions of the outside world, Wang Yuanqing will go down this road.

Before the end of his second term, he will certainly promote the "direct election of county-level grass-roots governments" throughout the country and the "direct election of deputies" at the provincial and municipal governments. Political reform is unlikely to be completed during Wang Yuanqing's term of office, at least at the central level, and the next state governor will complete the reform action.

Wang Yuanqing's move once again exceeded the outside world's predictions.

At the beginning of the year, the plenary congress passed the "Law on the Management of the Remuneration of Delegates" submitted by Yuan, and Yue Wuming's work of the county organization began to promote "full-time representatives"

This reform has caused a lot of controversy, but there are not many people who really oppose it.

With the acceleration of the process of the country's legal system, the work burden of the plenary congress as a legislative body has become heavier and heavier, and the agenda of the deputies has become more and more complicated. If the way it was as it was before. The temporary participation of deputies in legislative and deliberation work will certainly not be able to ensure the efficiency of their work, and they will certainly not be able to more effectively promote the building of the legal system. The only way to do this is for the deputies to take off their work and become full-time legislators and deliberators, exercising their constitutional rights on behalf of the citizens who elected them.

The most discussed issue is that the team is too large.

From the grassroots level to the central level, the total number of deputies is more than 10,000. According to the average salary level of civil servants at the same level, the total annual salary is between 100 million and 100 million. Regardless of whether this expense will increase the tax burden, is it necessary to take so many delegates out of work?

Wang Yuanqing has long considered this issue. All implement the "full-time representative" system at the central and provincial levels.

At this point in the reform, many people have guessed what Yuan is going to do next.

According to the original administrative system, from the central to the local, there are a total of levels of central, provincial, municipal, county, and township, although the functions of individual administrative departments at the township level have been weakened, and many of them are concentrated at the county level, but the administrative management at the four levels is still too cumbersome.

If political reform is to be intensified, it is necessary to reduce the administrative level, and the most likely to be decorated is the city between the province and the county, and eventually the three administrative levels of the central, provincial and county will be formed. Expanding the number of provincial-level administrative divisions and narrowing the scope of provincial-level administrative divisions have laid the foundation for the abolition of municipal-level administrative divisions.

And that's exactly what happened.

In the 2nd year, the plenary congress passed the "Reform Law of Administrative Regions" submitted by the State Council.

The city-level administrative units will be gradually replaced by municipalities and autonomous regions that will carry out pilot reforms first, while other provincial-level administrative regions will start reforms after the end of the year, with provincial-level governments directly leading county-level governments.

As a direct result of this reform, at least 10,000 thugs such as 10,000 civil servants will lose their jobs.

In order to reduce social unrest, the State Council has promulgated relevant measures, that is, civil servants who are dismissed or voluntarily resign will receive labor compensation related to the number of years of service, divided by the number of years of service, and then multiplied by twice the total annual salary of the previous thugs, and so on, and get re-employment training opportunities free of charge.

Cut back on the thugs. It's just that no one has the power to change the facts.

Fortunately, there is no "labor surplus" problem in the republic, most of the civil servants under the age of O can find suitable jobs after receiving employment training, and civil servants who are over the age of Tian can also find more satisfactory jobs, and civil servants over the age of Tian can get high compensation from the state. You will not worry about your source of livelihood until you start receiving pension insurance at the age of age.

The reform has come to this point, and the face of the republic has changed greatly.

Of course, Pei Chengyi is most concerned about the military reform of the republic.

This month, every day more than one day, 2 more. The update time is in the morning and afternoon.