Chapter 255: Peace Talks Initiative

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"I would like to know, is this the opinion of your consul personally or the opinion of your minister?" Chen Jingyun held a teacup in one hand, and the fingers of the other hand tapped rhythmically on the arm of the chair. Pen @ fun @ pavilion wWw. biqUgE。 ο½‰ο½Žο½†ο½

Opposite Chen Jingyun, the British Consul in Shanghai, Sir Fa Lei, also kept a smile on his face, and after taking a sip of the good tea in Chen Jingyun's house, he said: "This is the opinion of His Excellency Zhu Erdian, and it is also my personal expectation!" Speaking of this, he paused slightly, and then took a sip of tea before continuing: "The battle between your army and the Beiyang Army in southern Jiangsu has seriously affected the lives of innocent people, and the Jinpu line caused by the war cannot operate normally, and the Yangtze River shipping has been greatly affected, which not only affects the normal life of the people of your country, but also affects the normal business activities of merchants in China and other countries. ”

"In the two months since the outbreak of the war, I have received letters from many merchants who have reported to me that their normal trade activities have been affected by the war and have suffered such heavy losses, and according to incomplete statistics, our merchants have lost as much as one million pounds in the past two months. As an Imperial diplomat in China, I cannot ignore their pleas. ”

Chen Jingyun disagrees with this, the war will certainly affect people's normal life and business activities to a certain extent, and this will not only have an impact on the commercial activities of businessmen from various countries in China, but also have a greater impact on the normal commercial activities of businessmen in their own countries, but this cannot be an excuse for foreign interference in China's civil war. In fact, although the war in southern Jiangsu had an impact on commercial activities to a certain extent, but most of them were on domestic merchants, and for foreign merchants, this impact was limited, whether it was the national army or the Beiyang army, they were quite cautious, in the moment of war, except for the most tense days of the war in Nanjing, in fact, the shipping of the Yangtze River has not stopped, and the steamers of merchants from various countries can still pass through the Yangtze River basin normally, and even the Jinpu line has maintained normal passenger transportation to a certain extent.

Although there is an impact, it is absolutely not large, and it is far from reaching the situation where it is necessary for the political axes of various countries to come out and intervene, and the political interference of the political axes of various countries is not a cheap commodity, and it can be used casually. can make Zhu Erdian look sideways and let Sir Fa Lei come out to find Chen Jingyun, without a certain weight.

In fact, Chen Jingyun himself can guess that Zhu Erdian's mind is nothing more than wanting to support Yuan Shikai and suppress the expansion of the Nationalist Army's power, especially to defeat the Beiyang Army and go north along the Jinpu Line to control the Chinese regime. At present, Britain's Far East policy, under Zhu Erdian's advocacy, has set a general tone, that is, to support Yuan Shikai, China's most powerful warlord, to maintain China's unity, to prevent China from falling into turmoil that would affect British interests in China, and still less to want to affect Britain's entire Far East policy because of China's turmoil. But this kind of support for Yuan Shikai is not absolute, and has nothing to do with the personal intimacy between Zhu Erdian and Yuan Shikai, a country's foreign policy, especially the policy of the United Kingdom, which is a parliamentary state, is difficult to change because of one person's factors, and Zhu Erdian, as a standard British bureaucrat, has in his mind that the empire will not fall, and will not affect his normal judgment because of his personal relationship with Yuan Shikai, and the reason why Britain currently supports Yuan Shikai is very simple, because he has the ability to maintain the unity of China. If another person, such as Chen Jingyun, is not anti-British, recognizes British interests in China, and has enough prestige and ability to maintain China's unity, then the British side will not hesitate to support Yuan Shikai. In the face of national interests, any choice is cruel and realistic.

However, it is not very hard, now Yuan Shikai is still the only person in China who has the ability to unify and maintain the unity of China, he looks at the country in terms of personal prestige, others can't catch up, Sun Wen can't, other Huang Xing, Song Jiaoren and the like can't either, and the emerging forces of Fujian and Zhejiang Chen Jingyun and Yungui Tang Jiyao are even far worse. Compared with Yuan Shikai, they all have great limitations, such as Sun Wen and others, most of them are limited to the support within the revolutionary party, and the industrial and commercial class, especially the traditional gentry class, is still relatively disgusted with them. As for Chen Jingyun, because his rise is too short, coupled with his youth, his political prestige is basically limited to the areas controlled by the National Army, and for other people in China, Chen Jingyun is still too strange and immature. In particular, the gentry and industrial class in the north could not believe or imagine that the future of China should be entrusted to a hairy boy who was only twenty-five years old, even if this young man already had an army of 100,000 and controlled the territory of several provinces. As for other southern warlords, it is even worse, Cai Jie, who was able to be compared with Chen Jingyun in the south before, automatically went to Taipei, and the successor Tang Jiyao could not be compared with Cai Yi in terms of prestige, nor could he be compared with Chen Jingyun.

In addition to this relatively mysterious condition of personal prestige, the strength of the Beiyang Army is even more crucial. The hundreds of thousands of troops of the Beiyang Army are temporarily invincible in the country, even if it is the current national army. Don't look at the battle between the Nationalist Army and the Beiyang Army in southern Jiangsu, and it still achieved a big victory, but this victory was formed by many conditions. First of all, a very important point is that due to the lack of sufficient military funds, the Beiyang political axe can not support too many troops to fight on the front line, and the war in southern Jiangsu is only four divisions and one brigade, which is still the result of successive investments. If the Beiyang Army obtains enough loans, when the military expenses are not bothering him, the entire Beiyang Army will go south, at least ten divisions, and then add other armies under the Beiyang Army system, such as the Dingwu Army, the Anwu Army, the Yi Army, etc., although these armies have not yet been reorganized into the establishment of the Central Army of the Beiyang Army for the time being, but the connection between these armies and the Beiyang Army is inextricably linked, and they belong to the same Beiyang system. These armies add up to hundreds of thousands, once there is enough military spending, then it will be a situation of sweeping the warlords in the south, not to mention the reading power of the national army, even if it is united with Sun Wen, it will be difficult to resist.

Therefore, despite the many problems of the Beiyang Army, for the time being, the Beiyang Army is still the only force that can maintain the unity of China. As for the future, no one can say clearly, no one knows whether Yuan Shikai will be dizzy and become emperor in a few years, let alone know that the national army will develop to that point, and it is not certain that he can replace the Beiyang Army in the future.

However, the future has not yet happened, and the immediate interests need to be guaranteed, which is also the goal of Sir Faleigh today.

After learning about the intention of the British side, he also learned from Sir Fa Lei that the proposal for peace talks was not only proposed by the British side, but also the intention of various countries, which had to be carefully considered by Chen Jingyun.

After sending Sir Fa Lei away, Chen Jingyun himself stayed in the study alone and fell into contemplation, considering the current war in southern Jiangsu, considering the entire domestic situation, and thinking about the future of the Nationalist Army, thinking for a long time that it was still necessary to talk about this peace talk, as for how to talk about another thing there, but the talk is to be discussed, the Nationalist Army has achieved considerable results in the early operations, controlling the area south of the Yangtze River, especially the strategic place of Nanjing, cutting off the passage for the Beiyang Army to cross the Yangtze River to the south. This greatly increases the difficulty for the Beiyang Army to go south, but how to carry out the next battle under such circumstances is still a troublesome matter.

Is it to cross the river in a big way and seize Jiangbei in one fell swoop, and then go north along the Jinpu line for a thorough northern expedition? Or is it a military confrontation with the Beiyang Army in the current situation?

However, neither option is a good choice.

The first is the Northern Expedition, which is not something that can be done by talking about it, and requires many conditions to cooperate with each other. Not to mention that if the Nationalist Army crosses the river and goes on a northern expedition, it will encounter stubborn resistance from the Beiyang Army, not to mention the thousand-kilometer front along the Jinpu Line. The difficulties that the Nationalist Army did not face alone did not allow the Nationalist Army to continue large-scale warfare, or even launch the Northern Expedition.

The national army has gone through two months of war in southern Jiangsu, the consumption in all aspects is extremely large, and the troops of several divisions participating in the war have suffered heavy losses, although tens of thousands of new soldiers and some weapons and equipment have been replenished before and after, but the strength and weapons and equipment can not be compared with before the war, and now all divisions are in urgent need of rest and replenishment, especially the guard division that is still holding on to Yangzhou is in crisis, and I am afraid that the guard division will have to be completely defeated if it continues to fight.

In addition to the loss of personnel and weapons, the supply of the Nationalist Army in the later period has also been unable to keep up, originally before the launch of the Nanjing Campaign, the Nationalist Army's ammunition stocks have reached a very low level, during which the supply of ammunition to various units has already begun, so that the front-line troops can not get enough ammunition supply, after the Nanjing War ended, the Logistics Department simply greatly reduced the supply of troops on the south bank of the Yangtze River, and concentrated the main ammunition supply on the side of the guard division. However, despite the limited supply, the Nationalist Army's ammunition stocks had bottomed out, and it was simply unable to muster enough ammunition to carry out a large-scale northern expedition across the river.

In order to solve the ammunition problem, the Nationalist Army devised many methods, in addition to having the various arsenals under the Fuzhou Arsenal rush to work and expand their production lines, and in the face of a serious shortage of self-production, they also made a large number of purchases, including from the United States and the United States. However, he said, "In order to balance the situation in China, the procurement and supply of the Nationalist Army has been stopped, and there is only one source left from the United States, and the purchased ammunition is not only expensive, but more importantly, it cannot reach China in time.

Before the Nationalist Army stockpiled enough ammunition, the Nationalist Army was no longer capable of launching a large-scale war in southern Jiangsu, let alone crossing the river and the Northern Expedition. In addition to the army's ammunition, the navy's ammunition has also been depleted, and at present, the navy has anchored its main fleet at the Jiangyin base, only maintaining a limited number of warships on the Nanjing River, and has stopped large-scale artillery bombardment operations with the Beiyang Army, all of which are limited by the shortage of ammunition, and the Navy Department has reported to Chen Jingyun that the remaining ammunition of the navy is seriously insufficient, and in order to maintain the blockade of the Yangtze River, the Beiyang Army's possible river-crossing operations are blocked. The Navy Department has decided to stop most of the warships and keep the last ammunition for possible future operations.

The shortage of personnel, weapons and equipment, and ammunition can be said to have deprived the Nationalist Army of the possibility of the next large-scale operation. In addition to these hard constraints, the National Army General Staff did not have any feasible operational plans for the Northern Expedition, and they had not even thought about it before. Before the war in southern Jiangsu, all the operational plans and ideas of the Nationalist Army revolved around the southern Jiangsu region around Nanjing, and the original idea was how to keep Nanjing under the attack of the Beiyang Army and rely on the Yangtze River moat to resist the southward advance of the Beiyang Army.

In addition to the internal restrictions of the national army, the reaction of other warlords in the country must also be noted, if the southern warlords and Chen Jingyun suddenly attack when the national army is on a large expedition to the north, then the national army will have to fall into a desperate situation, such as Lu Rongting, Yuan Shikai has been wooing him, and he also made Lu Rongting the governor of Guangdong, but the national army now controls the eastern part of Guangdong, including Guangzhou, and knows with his toes that Lu Rongting will not be willing to be a nominal governor of Guangdong. In the unlikely event that the Gui Army sent troops to Guangdong during the Nationalist Army's large-scale Northern Expedition, it would be difficult for the Nationalist Army to be undefeated in the face of the two-front battle.

In addition to Lu Rongting, even the reactions of Sun Wen, Huang Xing, and Bai Wenwei had to be considered, although Chen Jingyun had also joined the League before, and now after Chen Jingyun got out of a Kuomintang by himself, he had many contradictions with the reorganized Kuomintang, especially in the Zhejiang parliamentary election some time ago, the Kuomintang was placed under the Kuomintang and made the conflict between the two parties more open, although now both have a common enemy, Yuan Shikai, and have maintained restraint. But no one knows whether the Kuomintang troops will attack the Nationalist Army from Jiangxi and Anhui during the Northern Expedition. If the Kuomintang can take advantage of the Northern Expedition of the Nationalist Army to capture Fujian and Zhejiang, then the Kuomintang forces led by Sun Wen will be able to control the four provinces, and then they will have the capital to compete with the Beiyang Army.

The human heart is something that cannot be predicted and controlled, and although the possibility of these things happening is not large, the necessary precautions are still necessary. This is also the reason why the Nationalist Army fought so hard in the war in southern Jiangsu, but it never transferred the 6th Division, the 5th Division of Fujian, and the 3rd Division of Guangzhou from Jinhua in western Zhejiang to participate in the war in southern Jiangsu, and even the newly formed 8th and 9th Divisions were still in Fuzhou, and there was no sign of being transferred out at all. In addition to garrisoning the places in the rear, the more important thing for these troops to stay in the rear was naturally to prevent Lu Rongting or Sun Wen's revolutionaries from taking advantage of the fire to loot. With these containments, with the current strength of the Nationalist Army, it can only concentrate five to six divisions in southern Jiangsu to carry out the northern expedition across the river. And even the most arrogant generals of the National Army could see no hope of victory with such troops.

The Beiyang Army now has three divisions and one brigade left in the Jiangbei area, and there are still a large number of troops in Gyeonggi and the Northeast, so it may be difficult to take the initiative to send them to the south to fight, but when defensive operations are related to the survival of the entire Beiyang system, it would be hellish if the Nationalist Army could go all the way north.

Foreign factors must also be taken into account.

To sum up the above, it is impossible and unrealistic for the National Army to cross the river and the Northern Expedition at present, if it does not take the initiative to go on the Northern Expedition, then it is to continue to conduct military confrontation with the Beiyang Army in southern Jiangsu, for example, now the guard division in Yangzhou is still fighting with the Beiyang Army, although the intensity is not as strong as the original Battle of Zhenjiang and the Battle of Nanjing, but after all, it is also a high-intensity war, and the loss of fighting is not small, and it is a heavy burden on the National Army in the long run. It is also extremely detrimental to the future development of the national army. In addition, because it was in a state of war, the Nationalist Army could not transfer the main forces in southern Jiangsu, and it had to keep all units in a state of high combat readiness at will, and the burden was even more serious under such circumstances. And if the main force can't be withdrawn, it will be difficult to clean up if something goes wrong in the rear.

And if you choose peace talks now, the benefits are obvious, that is, at least the war with the Beiyang Army is over, the troops can get rest and breathing time, and the Nationalist Army can also use this time to expand its army and stock up ammunition to prepare for the next war. Of course, the peace talks must also be maintained in the current state, and if the Beiyang Army demands that the Nationalist Army withdraw from Nanjing and even the entire southern Jiangsu region, then the preliminary combat results of the Nationalist Army will be in vain, and if Chen Jingyun dares to agree, the entire Nationalist Army will have to mutiny.

The advantages of peace talks are there, but there are also many disadvantages, such as the national army to get a respite at the same time, the Beiyang Army can also get a respite and recuperation time, especially the extremely important aftermath of the big loan, it is reported that the Beiyang political axe under the auspices of Zhou Xuexi has been in the final round of negotiations with the five-nation consortium, the Beiyang Army for this batch of loans to pay how much price will not be said, but it is foreseeable that this batch of loans will come back in a few months, roughly around the beginning of next year. At that time, the Beiyang Army, which has received financial support, will definitely have a great momentum, and when it goes south again, I am afraid that it will not be as simple as dispatching only three or four divisions on the Jinpu line, but will go south in an all-round way, and then the national army will fall into another predicament.

In addition, the peace talks will to a certain extent blow the morale of the Nationalist Army, and the grass-roots officers of the Nationalist Army and even most of the middle-level officers have shown the phenomenon of arrogance because of the Nationalist Army's early victory in southern Jiangsu, and more officers of the Kuomintang Socialist Party are agitating for the Northern Expedition every day, in order to lay down the domestic unification in World War I, gain the right to rule China, and finally complete the rejuvenation of China under the leadership of these Kuomintang. Even opening and closing his mouth is to quote Chen Jingyun's first public speech: "Those who have made the most valuable struggles and sacrifices for the country and the nation have always been the minority, not the majority!" And the members of the National Socialist Party proudly identified themselves as one of those minorities, and they were equally firm and proud: "As one of the best minorities in the Chinese nation, they can proudly claim the leadership of the country and the people, and the people should also consciously obey the leadership of their people!" ”

It is precisely these radical propaganda slogans of the National Socialist Party that make many National Socialist Party members firmly believe that the National Socialist Party is the future of China, and that these National Socialist members are the future of China, so they will devote themselves to the fight against the Beiyang Army and other warlords in China without hesitation, and regard other warlords as a stumbling block to China's rejuvenation. He also instigated the Northern Expedition again and again to complete the reunification of China by the Kuomintang and lead the great rejuvenation of China.

The Kuomintang members who had organized themselves with these slogans would inevitably not understand and oppose the peace talks between the Nationalist Army and the Beiyang Army when they heard about it. They are not Chen Jingyun, nor Qian Hanlang, nor a large group of high-ranking people in the national army system who focus on the overall situation, they have their limited surnames, they do not see the crisis of the national army, let alone consider the trouble of the army faced by the national army, these hot-blooded young people only hope that the national army will quickly sweep through China, and any peace talks with the enemy will be an act of delaying the rejuvenation of China.

These troubles could affect Chen's personal prestige, as well as the internal stability of the Nationalist Army, which in turn threatens the Nationalist Army's rule over the areas under its control.

In order to solve these problems, it is necessary to rely heavily on the propaganda departments of the Nationalist Army, and of course the propaganda organizations within the Kuomintang must also carry out relevant propaganda to try to appease those hot-blooded youths, and prevent them from doing things like going to the streets with guns and sabers to stage a coup d'Γ©tat and carry out the so-called Qing Jun's side. There are already many examples of this kind of thing, especially in the later generations after militarism, those young Zhuang faction officers who were not accustomed to the actions of the upper echelons of the military department immediately shouted that these traitors were punished by heaven, and those who were assassinated and killed said, "There are quite a few high-ranking officials in this military department."

The current National Army and the National Socialist Party cooperate with each other, which is somewhat similar to the militarized army in later generations.

There are advantages and disadvantages, and Chen Jingyun can't pay attention to what to do for a while, but now he doesn't need to pay too much attention to it, the current so-called peace talks are just Sir Falei's verbal proposals, and there is not even a complete plan, and I don't know if Beiyang wants peace talks. After all, compared with the National Army, it is more difficult for the Beiyang Army to conduct peace talks, after the loss of Nanjing, the pressure on the Beiyang Army has increased greatly, especially Feng Guozhang is facing many accusations from the Beiyang Army, if it is not for Yuan Shikai staring behind, I am afraid that Feng Guozhang will have to announce his resignation because of such great political pressure. This is also the reason why the Beiyang Army is in hot pursuit of the guard division in Yangzhou, and the current Beiyang Army needs a victory to cover up the defeat in the Battle of Nanjing.

Under such circumstances, if peace talks are held with the Nationalist Army, the military impact will not be great, and anyway, the Beiyang Army will not be able to cross the river again for the time being, and the next large-scale war will at least wait until the aftermath is in place. Now, if there is no peace talks, it is to maintain the current situation, and the national army across the river, as for Yangzhou, although the fight is vigorous, but in fact it is not of great significance, Feng Guozhang also knows that the guard division has the cover of the navy, if the war is not smooth, although it can cross the river and it is difficult to return, in this case, even if the Beiyang Army recovers Yangzhou and other Jiangbei regions, but it needs to divide a large number of troops to defend, otherwise the next war will break out, The Nationalist Army was still able to log in from any point in Yangzhou and even a large area of Nantong under the cover of the navy. But if you want to defend the entire Jiangbei region, the Beiyang Army is also not enough, not to mention, the focus of Jiangbei is on the north bank of Nanjing, and the Jinpu line behind it, as for the large area of Jiangsu in the east due to the water network, in fact, the military significance is not great, if the Nationalist Army wants to go north, there is only one way, that is, the Jinpu line, and in other directions, the supply line on the ultra-long-distance road alone will drag down the Nationalist Army, and even the Beiyang Army will not need to fight.

The logistical supply of modern warfare is incomparable with the warfare of the cold weapon age, and the logistical supply of the modern army is extremely large, and once the ammunition supply is cut off, this army is no stronger than a group of peasants.

The military impact is not great, but the political impact is very serious, which will not only greatly damage the personal prestige of Yuan Shikai and Feng Guozhang, but more importantly, it will affect the cohesion of the Beiyang system, and may even trigger a chain reaction.