Since Xinhai, China's domestic situation has been extremely complicated, almost every moment is changing, some are there, and some are bad, this good or bad has to be relative to whom, for example, the rise of the national army, for Yuan Shikai is simply unbearable, but for Chen Jingyun and many people attached to the national army, the stronger the national army, the better.

It has been a year since Xinhai last year, but the situation in China has not been fundamentally improved, and it can even be said that it has become worse. The Xinhai Revolution can be said to be a peaceful revolution to some extent, although wars broke out in Hubei and Nanjing, but compared to the whole of China, these two wars can only be regarded as small-scale wars, affecting only the three towns of Wuhan and the vicinity of Nanjing, the rest of China has basically maintained peace and stability, and many provinces have smoothly transitioned to the Republic of China.

However, after the Xinhai Revolution, the situation in the provinces of the country is becoming more and more chaotic, needless to say, Sichuan, there is basically no quiet place, Jiangxi, Hunan and other places in the southern provinces also broke out many small-scale civil wars, and then the war between Chen Jingyun and Zhu Rui in Fujian and Zhejiang completely broke the situation of peace in the south, exposing the domestic turmoil to the table.

In the process of the warlords fighting and vigorously expanding the army, the ordinary people are almost miserable, the two provinces of Fujian and Zhejiang and several provinces under the control of the northern Beiyang are better, although the standard of living has decreased, but at least they can maintain a normal life, but the people in other southern provinces have little good luck, they endure the war that does not know when to come, when to leave, they have to pay for the military expenses of the warlords, and there are many examples of family ruins and deaths. Among them, Jiangxi and Sichuan are the worst, Sichuan is because of the scuffle between many warlords, and Jiangxi's words are purely because Li Junlie looted too hard. Although Li Junlie is said to be a very simple revolutionary, a loyal follower of Sun Wen, on the surface, he seems to be a revolutionary with reason and ambition, but what he did did not consider the life and death of ordinary people at all, some time ago in order to support the Nanjing Provisional Political Axe, and later for the large-scale expansion of the army, Jiangxi was almost swept to the bottom, it happened that this year's year in Jiangxi was not very good, a large number of people were about to starve to death, and Li Junlie also looted a large amount of grain and hoarded it to prepare for military rations, and then even Sun Wen himself couldn't stand it, personally sent a telegram to Li Junlie asking Li Junlie to take out part of the military rations to relieve the victims, at this time Li Junlie began to help the victims, but the effect was not great.

The people of Jiangxi are very miserable, the people in Guangdong, especially in Guangzhou, have almost fallen for eight lifetimes, and in the Xinhai year, 100,000 people's troops plagued the city of Guangzhou, ruined I don't know how many good families, and killed I don't know how many good people, which finally dismissed the people's army not long after, and began to make trouble again, this time it was even more ruthless than last year. This is not counting, after Long Jiguang's troops and the national army arrived in Guangzhou City one after another, the two sides fought around Guangzhou City for many days, while the soldiers on both sides suffered many casualties, the casualties of ordinary people were even more, but no one cared about their life or death from beginning to end.

The people of Guangzhou were frightened for most of the day and months, only to find out that Long Jiguang was beaten away by the Nationalist Army, but now the Nationalist Army has been stationed in Guangzhou, and well-informed people have learned that Yuan Shikai appointed Lu Rongting as the governor of Guangdong, and then the Gui Army and the Nationalist Army may have to fight again.

As a result, after Guangzhou calmed down a little, many residents of Guangzhou began to flee, some to Hong Kong, and some to Fujian, and their demand was simple, that is, to avoid war.

The people of Guangzhou began to flee, and the residents of Nanjing were almost doing the same thing, during the Xinhai Revolution last year, the residents of Nanjing had already felt a war, and now the situation between the north and the south is becoming more and more tense, and the Beiyang Army seems to be going south at any time, and when the time comes, Nanjing, as an important city along the Jinpu line, will definitely become the focus of contention between the two sides, so some people who can afford to leave began to pack their bags, planning to leave the source of the storm, go to Shanghai, go to Zhejiang, and even go to Yanjing to take refuge.

After all, there is already news that the Fifth Division of the Beiyang Army has left Xuzhou and began to move south along the Jinpu Line, although there is no news about whether the Fifth Division of the Beiyang Army will come to Nanjing, but in order to save their lives, they still fled quickly.

"Isn't there any news from Tang Jirao?" In the huge conference room of the National Army Headquarters, Chen Jingyun asked Yu Feng of the Secretariat with a calm face.

Yu Feng knew that Chen Jingyun was in a bad mood at this time, so he didn't say any more nonsense, and replied directly: "Tang Dudu's side hasn't called us back for the time being!" ”

Chen Jingyun waved his hand and said, "You go down, let Chief of Staff Feng and them come in later!" ”

After saying that, Chen Jingyun closed his eyes, and Yu Feng looked at Chen Jingyun like this, so he didn't speak, but went out directly.

Chen Jingyun now feels that things are getting more and more out of his control, that sense of powerlessness makes him almost suffocated, when the Hangzhou incident occurred at the beginning of the year, although it was also tense at that time, and even the 13th regiment was surrounded at one time, but although the situation at that time was urgent, it did not threaten the foundation of the national army. However, since the outbreak of the rebellion in Guangzhou, the development of things has been out of Chen Jingyun's control, so that Chen Jingyun can only be allowed to take one step at a time and see the moves.

For example, Yuan Shikai supported Long Jiguang to occupy Guangzhou, so he directly sent the third division to seize Guangzhou to prevent Yuan Shikai from burying a sharp knife in his hinterland.

However, after taking Guangzhou, the Nationalist Army had a contradiction with the Gui Army, and Yuan Shikai's appointment pushed Lu Rongting to the position of Governor of Guangdong, so that the almost irreconcilable contradictions between the Nationalist Army and the Gui Army were mutually unfavorable, and everyone knew that the conflict between the Gui Army and the Nationalist Army would be a mutually unfavorable situation, but it was impossible to avoid such a conflict. The reason is very simple, that is, people's ambition, Chen Jingyun wants Guangzhou, Lu Rongting also wants Guangzhou, whoever occupies Guangzhou will occupy almost half of Guangdong.

If Chen Jingyun can still deal with the affairs of Guangdong, then because the Guangzhou rebellion has exacerbated the contradictions between the Nationalist Army and the Beiyang Army, Chen Jingyun feels a little suffocated.

At the beginning, the first battle of Hangzhou had exposed the strength of the national army, and this time the Guangzhou rebellion almost completely exposed Chen Jingyun's ambitions, and some newspapers in Shanghai and other places even pointed out that Chen Jingyun ignored the unification of the country for his own power and selfish desires, and even many people regarded the current situation as a triple rebellion during the Kangxi period, and Yuan Shikai was Kang Mazi, he Chen Jingyun was regarded as Geng Jingzhong, Cai Yi was regarded as Wu Sangui, and Lu Rongting was regarded as Shang Kexi. Although this metaphor is not appropriate, it is accurate to some extent.

However, as far as public opinion is concerned, it is very unfavorable to Chen Jingyun, especially when Cai Yi announced that he would go north in early November, the pressure of public opinion made Chen Jingyun feel powerless.

Although the Nationalist Army has strengthened its supervision of public opinion in Fujian and Zhejiang provinces since the Feihong incident, it is inevitable that there will be more or less doubts, most of which come from intellectuals and scholars. These few elites, and also the elites in Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, questioned Chen Jingyun even more, which made Chen Jingyun feel even more embarrassed.

If there is anyone who is on Chen Jingyun's side at this time, then there are only two groups, one is the military and political leaders in the national army system, including many senior generals of the national army, and the senior political axe officials of the military and political axes of Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, this is because they know very well that their interests are linked to the national army and Chen Jingyun personally, and after Chen Jingyun falls, their powerful position will disappear, and it can be said that supporting Chen Jingyun is supporting themselves.

The other group of people is the industrial and commercial class of Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, especially the big businessmen and the rich are basically standing with Chen Jingyun, this is mainly because Chen Jingyun is more relaxed about industry and commerce on the one hand, and then uses commercial means to unite many wealthy families, such as Fuhang Textile Company, this super-large textile enterprise includes the vast majority of textile giants in Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, and has become a joint enterprise with assets of more than 20 million yuan and controls the export of raw silk in Zhejiang. Another example is the Hademen Tobacco Company, because Fujian and Zhejiang provinces regard tobacco as the same type of commodity as opium, they are not allowed to operate privately, and only authorize the Hademen Tobacco Company to operate exclusively, which was only the exclusive property of the Chen family at first, but later Chen Jingyun transferred most of the equity to other wealthy businessmen in Fujian and Zhejiang provinces in order to contact industry and commerce. Then there is an economic development zone set up in Fuzhou and Hangzhou, which was originally used to attract a large amount of American capital, but now American businessmen have not yet come, but the industrial and commercial circles of Fujian and Zhejiang provinces have invested one after another, and although they are all light industries and the like, all the assets added up are not a few.

Whether it is Fuhang Textile Company, Hademen Tobacco Company or Economic Development Zone, these are inseparable from Chen Jingyun's strong support, it can be said that Chen Jingyun fell that day, then Fuhang Textile Company and Hademen Tobacco Company will be split the next day.

It can be said that the downfall of Chen Jingyun is no longer a matter for him alone, but has a bearing on the entire military and political system of the Nationalist Army and the industrial and commercial classes of Fujian and Zhejiang provinces.

In this regard, it is somewhat similar to the Beiyang system, both of which are prosperous and one is lost, but the difference is that in addition to the military and political dignitaries, the main ones who support Chen Jingyun are the industrial and commercial class, and there are not many landlords and gentry. In addition to the military and political dignitaries in the north, there were more landlords and gentry who supported Yuan Shikai, and there were relatively few industrialists and industrialists. However, this so-called class group also has a lot in common, not only is it simply defined as the industrial and commercial class or the landlord class, because many officials are also wealthy businessmen, but there are countless fertile land at home. If we have to divide them in general, then the two can be roughly divided into northern inland interest groups and southern coastal interest groups.

In the final analysis, it is a question of the distribution of benefits.