readx; Among the Nationalist Army, the Eighth and Ninth Divisions of the Fourth Army are relatively special and existent, and this has little to do with the American artillery they are equipped with, anyway, there are only two regiments of American artillery, and the Nationalist Army has lost a lot of heavy weapons in the war in southern Jiangsu, and the Nationalist Army is also ready to replenish some American artillery to other troops. Pen "Fun" Pavilion www.biquge.info

As far as weapons are concerned, there is nothing special, and in addition to American-style artillery, the Nationalist Army also has German-made artillery and so-called artillery, except for the difference between the countries they are made, the others are almost the same.

But the words of personnel are very different, and the National Army now has ten field divisions and one guard division. Except for the two newly formed units of the Eighth Division and the Ninth Division, the other units were more or less related to the former former Fresh Army or the old troops were the troops of other warlords, and the main forces of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Divisions were basically the former Fujian Former Fresh Army, that is, the foundation of the Tenth Town, and there were many surrendered soldiers and officers among them. The Fifth and Sixth Divisions were formerly local garrison divisions, and many of the soldiers of those local garrison regiments were also adapted from the former Qing patrol battalion. The predecessor of the 7th Division was the soldiers of the Zhejiang Army, some of whom were troops under Zhu Rui's 3rd Division, some of whom were from the 1st Zhejiang Division, and some of whom were of the 25th Division. And a considerable part of the 10th Division formed in the end was defeated on the Guangzhou side.

Although these parts have undergone various reorganizations and so on, they are fundamentally inseparable from the former New Army.

However, the Eighth Division and the Ninth Division were different, these two units were newly formed from the beginning, and none of the veterans were all from the boot training camp, and the vast majority of the officers were just graduates of the Fuzhou Military Academy, and at least a small number of officers were transferred from other units.

And more importantly, based on the military aid treaty signed between Chen Jingyun and the Americans, the United States also sent a lot of military advisers, and these military advisers were basically concentrated in these two divisions. Among the other units of the National Army, there will be more or less the style of the army, among which the guard division is the most serious, and the bullet charge flow can often be seen in the battle, and the troops are more tenacious, which is also the reason why the guard division suffered heavy losses in the war in southern Jiangsu at the beginning, and it is also the reason why the guard division can continue to win victories despite heavy losses.

Relatively speaking, the Eighth and Ninth Divisions do not have much of this style, but are more inclined to Western-style combat concepts, with more open concepts and more flexible tactics, at least those grassroots officers will not shout and charge every day, and then rush to the enemy's machine gun muzzle with their troops, and still shout after falling to the ground in pieces: Attack! They will choose to be more flexible in combat, and they will take a detour and so on. But if there is anything unpleasant, it is that the troops lack the courage of the Eastern troops to fight to the death, after all, the armies of the Americans or other Western countries do not pay attention to such things as jade crushing and fighting to the death, and think that a decent surrender is an acceptable thing.

There are advantages and disadvantages to any style of the troops, and there are advantages to using the Eastern style of operation, and there are also advantages to the Western style of operation, and it cannot be discussed in a unified manner.

Of course, these are not the issues that Chen Jingyun is concerned about, what is the combat style of these two divisions, but the most important point is that these two divisions are completely newly formed troops, and the combat effectiveness of these two newly formed units represents the level of real unit training of the national army. Similarly, because these two units did not have any old officers and soldiers, it was easier to dissociate themselves from the senior generals of the original troops, which was very important for Chen Jingyun's troop control.

Although Chen Jingyun often transfers the position of senior generals, as the national army develops faster and faster, the scale of the army is getting bigger and bigger, and the power of the army and mountaineering inevitably appear, such as the old second battalion faction headed by Ma Chengcheng, and the old military faction composed of Yuan Fang, Li Jimin, Lin Zhaomin and others, as well as the so-called returnee faction composed of Shen Gang, Liang Xunqin, Chen Yi and others, and then the so-called Fuzhou Military Academy faction, Baoding faction, Lu Shi faction, etc., among which the Fuzhou Military Academy faction is divided into crash courses and formal classes. Even the official class is divided into first-term students, second-year students, and the like according to the number of periods.,In short, there are many factions.。 With the stability of the national army, the promotion system of officers has gradually stiffened, this kind of mountainism is more obvious, and when the upper-level officers promote their subordinates, they will obviously take more into account factional issues, for example, at the same time, senior generals such as Lu Shi and other returnees will obviously not have any good feelings towards those who came from the old army, let alone promote.

For example, after Shen Gang served as the commander of the First Army, the promotion of Ma Cheng to the commander of the Second Army was a product of this policy.

In order to strike a balance, except for a few officers of the Eighth and Ninth Divisions, who were transferred from other units, the other middle- and lower-level officers were all Fuzhou military cadets. Chen Jingyun is planning to promote the Fuzhou military academy students as soon as possible to form an important force faction, and when the time comes, he will be able to contain those old military factions and returnee factions.

In short, it is to make as many factions in the army as possible, and not let any one faction hold absolute power.

In addition to the consideration of factional balance, Chen Jingyun is also full of expectations for the combat effectiveness of these two divisions, this kind of almost completely new training of troops and those units that have grown up after long-term combat are different, if the combat effectiveness is feasible, Chen Jingyun will continue to use this model in the next step of army expansion, if the combat effectiveness is not good, Chen Jingyun has to return to the old way, and transfer the existing backbone to form a new unit.

It's just that the Eighth Division and the Ninth Division are still in the training class, and although it is said that they have been officially formed into an army some time ago, the relevant training will continue. Now, at least, it still looks like it's still very combative.

Although Chen Jingyun was immersed in internal affairs, based on the huge strength of the National Army and Chen Jingyun's personal prestige, there are some things that Chen Jingyun can't ignore if he wants to, he wants to keep a low profile, but others will still find him.

As the official election of the National Assembly is slowly approaching, although the Beiyang Army, the National Army, and even the Dian Army have not paid much attention to it, and are still thinking about the war of armament, the direction of the domestic political situation is still affected by the National Assembly election.

Among them, the Kuomintang is naturally dominated by Song Jiaoren, in order to follow the original North-South peace agreement, as well as Sun Wen and Huang Xing's disinterest or even disappointment in parliamentary politics, Sun Wen and Huang Xing, two important figures of the revolutionary party, have already publicly announced that they will not participate in the presidential election, and among the emerging forces in the country, Chen Jingyun and Tang Jiyao are both pragmatic people, and they have little interest in being presidents. So much so that the actual presidential candidate is only Yuan Shikai.

This is a very interesting situation, although Beiyang has not made any parties to run for election now, and is bent on expanding arms and warfare to unify China by force, but Yuan Shikai is going to run for president in the name of winning the central government. As for the Kuomintang, Sun Wen and Huang Xing did not run for president, but Song Jiaoren was bent on controlling the power of the Congress, and then making the cabinet system himself and then forming a cabinet.

Although other local powerful factions have also participated in the congressional election, such as Chen Jingyun's National Socialist Party and Yunnan-Guizhou's United Republican Party, which are still among the top few parties in China, none of them have thought of controlling the parliament and then relying on the idea of domestically controlling domestic rule, let alone them, and even Huang Xing and Sun Wen have no intention of doing so.

The powerful factions who hold military power are very realistic and see it very thoroughly, and the so-called parliamentary elections are now a face-saving effort, which cannot affect the comparison of the strength of the various warlords in the country.

In fact, this first parliamentary election in Chinese history was indeed a farce, and it was not an election in the real sense at all, and it was not even comparable to the Consultative Bureau election in the late Qing Dynasty. In the pre-Qing Consultative Bureau election, although it was also superficial, the limit on electors was very high, and most of the people who could have the right to vote in a province were limited to the gentry and wealthy businessmen, such as a secondary school degree or above, and few people could meet the conditions of assets of more than 5,000 yuan. And 5,000 dollars is enough to keep the vast majority of the middle class out, let alone the general public. There are several others that are enough to discourage ordinary people. Therefore, in the former Qing Dynasty, there were very few people who met the conditions for the election of the Consultative Bureau, and there were only a little more than 50,000 people with the right to vote in Fujian Province. Jiangsu, the richest province in China, has only about 160,000 people.

The election conditions are high, the number of people is small, the election is naturally easier and simpler, justice and fairness are naturally impossible to do, but there will be no fights, or for a few cents to sell the election votes, and so on, after all, the people who have the right to vote are basically gentry and rich businessmen, how embarrassing it is to fight, and it is not good to take out hundreds or thousands of yuan to buy votes.

On the whole, a good atmosphere was maintained, so that after the consultation was successfully made, it became a place for the gentry and wealthy businessmen to chat, and everyone exchanged business experiences together, which yard was more pure, which yard girl was more windy, etc., of course, it was inevitable to worry about the country and the people, as for who would listen to it, that was another matter.

However, this election at the beginning of the Republic of China was different, the election conditions were lowered a lot, in order to win the support of more people, the Kuomintang has long supported the reduction of the two main restrictions, such as academic qualifications, now no middle school is required, only primary schools are required, and primary schools are one or two in a county, and the number of candidates will be much more. There is also property, not 5,000, only 500, and more importantly, age, no longer requires 25 years old, but 21 years old. The KMT did not do this out of chaos, because at that time, most of the people involved in politics were scholars with a new education, and the older generation was not interested in the so-called congressional elections, and they did not even bother to pay attention, let alone vote. The most important sources of tickets are concentrated among young people and the more enlightened group of businessmen. These young people are generally younger, mostly in their mid-twenties, and they are more supportive of the Kuomintang as a radical revolutionary party, which is of great benefit to the Kuomintang elections.