readx; In the first election of the Republic of China, it is worth mentioning first of all that this election is not a so-called national election, and the number of people who have the right to vote will not exceed 10 million nationwide, and even in a large province like Jiangsu, there are only more than 1 million people who have the right to vote. Pen, fun, pavilion www. biquge。 The Senate is divided into two members of the Senate, and one member of the House of Representatives per million population.

After more than a month of vigorous conduct, the election has finally come to an end, and the results of the election did not surprise many people; among the southeastern coastal provinces, the National Socialist Party monopolized the seats with an absolute dominant position, and the League Party and the National Progressive Association, which also started in the southeastern provinces, were not allowed to put the focus of the election in the northern and southwestern provinces, and the three major parties won and lost in the northern provinces, the southwestern provinces, and the western provinces.

On January 5, 1915, the results of the first National Assembly election were officially announced, and among the hundreds of members, the National Socialist Party held an absolute majority of 73 percent, the National Progressive Association held 15 percent of the seats, and the League Party ranked third with 12 percent. The reason why the National Socialist Party was able to occupy so many seats was that the areas controlled by the National Socialist Party were all large population and economic provinces, and the southeastern provinces and several provinces in the Central Plains were densely populated areas, and the distribution of the number of parliamentarians by population gave the National Socialist Party a great advantage.

In addition, because the Republic of China implements a political party access system, any political party organization that wants to run for election must first be approved, in order to ensure the status of the three parties, in the past few years, China's three major parties have tacitly agreed not to approve the establishment and candidacy of even any political party, so now there are only three major political parties in the Congress, and other people who want to participate in politics can only join one of these three major parties, either they are struggling to wait for their own political party to be approved to run for election, or they are playing underground politics like the Kuomintang.

Unlike the highly xenophobic situation in the National Assembly, the political axe body is filled with a large number of non-partisan personnel, the most obvious example is Han Chenxu, the chief of the Ministry of Supervision

After the results of the first National Assembly election were announced, the coalition party and the National Progressive Association tried to unite to prevent the National Socialist Party from forming a separate government, because according to the provisional constitution of the Republic of China, a party must have at least 60 percent of the seats in the National Assembly if it wants to form a separate government.

Zheng Zuyin, Hong Zitai and others visited Chen Jingyun one after another, and euphemistically proposed that they hope to continue to contribute to the country and the people, in other words, they hope to preserve their current position.

Chen Jingyun is also extremely cautious about this situation, he didn't refuse at the first time, but he didn't agree at the first time, he had his own considerations.

From the perspective of the Kuomintang Socialist Party, it is most advantageous for a party to form a government, but from Chen Jingyun's point of view, he still needs Zheng Zuyin, Lin Changming, and others to continue to maintain their presence in the political axe in a short period of time, instead of saying that after the completion of reunification, these people will be directly put outside the core of power, which will cause a great backlash.

At this time, Chen Jingyun was not only the chairman of the National Socialist Party, he was not only thinking about the interests of the National Socialist Party, but also about the interests of the country and even himself. However, before forming a cabinet, there is another thing to do, and that is the presidential election.

In fact, the presidential election is not as eye-catching as the parliamentary election, because everyone knows that although the parliamentary election is a contest between the three major parties, the presidential election is Chen Jingyun's one-man show, and even in addition to Chen Jingyun, there is not even a second candidate, at this time Chen Jingyun's prestige in China has reached almost a peak, under the propaganda of the propaganda department of the National Socialist Party, Chen Jingyun has almost been deified, and Chen Jingyun led the national army to achieve a series of achievements are enough for him to climb to this peak, Unifying the country and recovering Qingdao, these two things are enough for Chen Jingyun to gain huge domestic prestige.

On January 9, the presidential election was officially held, and hundreds of congressmen unanimously voted in favor of Chen Jingyun as the first official president of the Republic of China, and the vice president was Zheng Zuyin, and then passed the bill appointing Chen Jingyun as the chairman of the State Military Commission. Theoretically, as long as Chen Jingyun wants to, he can continue to be in power.

There was no suspense in the presidential election, not even much attention, and Chen Jingyun's election did not even attract more attention than the list of cabinet members he submitted to Congress.

In the list of members of the first official cabinet submitted by Chen Jingyun, the post of president of the Government Council is held by An Warlin, the post of vice president is held by Tang Shaoyi, the post of chief minister of civil affairs is held by Cen Chunxuan, the post of chief minister of foreign affairs is held by Wu Tingfang, the post of chief minister of finance is held by Zhuang Nan, and the post of chief minister of communications is Shi Zhaoji. In addition to the members of the National Socialist Party who voted this vote, there is also Han Chenxu, a person without party affiliation, who is the head of the Ministry of Supervision. It is also worth noting that in the cabinet list submitted by Chen Jingyun, although Zheng Zuyin and Lin Changming are gone, Hong Zitai, vice president of the National Progressive Association, still holds the post of director of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, and Yan Guanxue, director of the League Party and former director of the Ministry of Education, also holds the post of head of the Ministry of Education again.

A closer look at the cabinet list shows that most of the important positions have been in the hands of the National Socialist Party, but the Allied Party and the National Progressive Association have not completely withdrawn from the political axe, Hong Zitai still retains the crucial post of head of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, and Yan Guanxue also retains the post of head of the Ministry of Education.

In addition to the post of the head of various ministries, in fact, there are several other institutions in the political axe that are extremely important, and even more important than the major departments, such as the Secretariat of the Presidential Office and the Economic Development Department of the Government Council, these two major departments are already recognized as departments that can be compared with various ministries, especially the Economic Development Department. Ma Yinchu, the director of the Department of Economic Development, has become the most dazzling political star in Nanjing's republican political axe.

Although Zheng Zuyin and Lin Changming, the leaders of the two opposition parties, did not serve in the political axe, Zheng Zuyin successfully became the chairman of the Senate of the National Assembly with the tacit support of Chen Jingyun, while Lin Changming won the post of president of the House of Representatives.

The Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China stipulates that the members of the State Military Commission and the next major officials shall be appointed by the Chairman of the State Military Commission himself.

The National Assembly election, the presidential election, and the formation of the cabinet made China through January 1915, and at this time, the long-delayed 1915 budget was finally put on the agenda, and the 1915 budget was originally discussed last year, and the civilian and military cliques had a fierce debate over the amount of military spending. Even when it was cut to 20 percent when necessary, several military generals were so angry that they unceremoniously scolded Zheng Zuyin in front of him as a thief who annihilated the Han Dynasty, and in fact, it was precisely because Zheng Zuyin and a group of other people tried their best to cut the military budget that the military had great opinions on the other two opposition parties, and this intensified the Kuomintang's desire to form a cabinet.

Due to the serious conflict between the military and the provisional cabinet in the 1915 budget, and the fact that the first Diet election was underway at that time, the two sides had a tacit understanding to stop the budget quarrel and plan to hold an election first and then fight for budget allocation.

Therefore, as soon as the Diet was formed, the president was elected, and the cabinet was formed, the long-delayed budget for 1915 was finally put on the agenda for formal discussion.

In the 1915 budget submitted by the Ministry of Finance, it is expected that the total fiscal revenue for 1915 will be about 900 million Chinese yuan, including land endowment, industrial and commercial tax, customs duty, salt tax, tobacco, and special tax on medicine, all of which add up to 900 million Chinese yuan, an increase of about 50 percent compared with the 300 million taels of revenue budget in 1911, the third year of Xuantong in the former Qing Dynasty. In fact, the fiscal revenue in 1915 did not reach the normal income expected by the Ministry of Finance, because China has gone through several years of civil war, and many provinces in the north and the Central Plains have been war-torn for a long time, among which Sichuan has been warlords for many years, and after the Nationalist Army accepted Sichuan, in order to let the Sichuan people get a chance to breathe, so the Ministry of Finance set a large-scale tax reduction policy for Sichuan, and it is expected that it will be very good to receive 30 million Chinese dollars next year, and you must know that Sichuan's fiscal revenue is as high as more than 25 million taels in the third year of Xuantong. If it is converted to Huayuan, it is more than 50 million.

The same situation also occurred in some other provinces, so by 1915, most of the newly occupied provinces of the Nationalist Army had not been able to recover to the economic scale of the pre-Qing era, which seriously dragged down the overall economic situation of China, although the southeastern provinces controlled by the Nationalist Army increased their taxes very quickly, the fiscal revenue of Jiangsu Province alone, including the Shanghai area, has exceeded 100 million yuan, which has exceeded Jiangsu's fiscal revenue in the pre-Qing era, although Jiangsu also has more than 100 million yuan of revenue in the pre-Qing era, However, it also includes the revenue from customs duties, and the current statistics are based on the traditional fiscal revenues such as land endowment and industry and commerce, except for the tariffs.

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Today's three chapters are updated in 10,000 words, so there is one more chapter in the evening!