readx; The national army system, or the Fujian and Zhejiang military groups and the Beiyang military group are different, both also have strong military leaders, but also have strong military strength, but among the two, the North Group pays more attention to the traditional bureaucratic commercial capital and gentry system, after the bandit rebellion, the Han nationality based on the general landlord class and the gentry rose in the late Qing Dynasty political arena, Zhang Zhidong, Li Hongzhang is one of the leaders, that is, the agent of this group. Yuan Shikai appeared in www.biquge.info the political arena of the late Qing Dynasty as Li Hongzhang's successor and became the direct agent of this group.

Compared with the traditional Beiyang, the rise of the national army is shorter, in addition to paying attention to the army as much as Beiyang, another support point of the national army is that Fujian and Zhejiang are the merchant class in southern Jiangsu, whether it is the former Fujian Governor's Mansion or the later Southeast Xuanfu Embassy or the current Generalissimo's Mansion, they are inseparable from the support of the merchant class in Fujian and Zhejiang and southern Jiangsu, including Shanghai.

In addition to the traditional land tax, the largest amount of the national army's current fiscal revenue, and the fastest growth rate is the commercial tax, and it can be said that the tax paid by the merchant class holds up half the sky of the national army. In order to develop industry and commerce more quickly, obtain greater financial revenue, and at the same time to win over the rich businessmen and ordinary businessmen in the jurisdiction, the national army spared no effort in supporting industry and commerce, such as the merchants, who were extremely concerned about the Li Jin, which had begun to be rectified in the era of the Fujian Governor's Office, of course, it was impossible to cancel the Li Jin, and if the finance of the Fujian Governor's Office was canceled, it would have collapsed immediately, but it also carried out a small-scale rectification, especially after obtaining Zhejiang. At that time, Chen Jingyun's consequential reform system had already been implemented in Fujian, and then quickly spread to Zhejiang, and the local checkpoints were also under the direct jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance, rather than by local political axes as in the former Qing Dynasty and other warlord areas.

Although there are many disadvantages of the centijin system, it has caused the financial power of the pre-Qing Dynasty to be under the place, so that the local political axe gradually protests with the central chamber, it can be said that the local governor in the late Qing Dynasty has a high power, and can even directly protest with the central chamber, all of this is derived from the implementation of the centijin system, with the centijin, and how much the centigold is collected, how to collect it is completely up to the local governor himself, and the central government cannot control it at all. As for what affects the circulation of commodities, raises prices, and the inconvenience of people's lives are all secondary things, the system has been implemented for decades, and it has not been said that millions of people have starved to death because of centigold.

Although the centigold has such a big drawback, but the difficulty of abolishing it is not ordinarily large, because the centigold of this era is a commercial tax from another point of view, from production to circulation to sales, almost forming a one-stop commercial tax collection system, if someone has not come up with a feasible and effective commercial tax system before the abolition of the centijin, then in addition to saying that he is a traitor to the Han Dynasty can not find any better adjective, this statement is similar to the modern shouting for the abolition of corporate income tax, personal income tax, Business tax and other business surname taxes are the same.

But before there was no feasible alternative, Chen Jingyun said that he would not do anything, and he would not dare to revoke the money. However, the disadvantages of centigold are too great to be reformed. To this end, the tax reform that was previously implemented was the first step, which first took back the jurisdiction of the centijin from the hands of the local government axes and unified it under the management of the central Ministry of Finance.

The second step is to optimize the gold checkpoints in various places, cancel some unimportant and seriously repetitive checkpoints, make the circulation of goods in the province more convenient, and also reduce a certain cost.

The third step is to further abolish many centigold checkpoints, only set up a corresponding few centigold checkpoints in traffic arteries and important areas, and vigorously promote the concept of business tax, that is, to extract business tax directly from the manufacturer, that is, to collect tax from the so-called source, and then collect business tax from retailers in the specific sales stage. In this way, it is used to replenish the large number of centigold lost in many circulation links. At the same time, a large number of gold checkpoints are still set up in the traffic arteries leading to other provinces in the areas controlled by the national army, which are somewhat similar to the customs checkpoints, after all, although the areas controlled by the national army and the areas controlled by other warlords are not nominally **, but they are almost **. It is normal to charge high taxes on foreign goods.

This third step is also a stage that Chen Jingyun is working on, and he hopes that this stage of tax reform will make the circulation of goods in the control area including Fujian, Zhejiang, Guangdong, Jiangxi, southern Jiangsu, and southern Anhui smoother, so as to stimulate the development of industry and commerce in the jurisdiction, and the political axe will provide more tax revenue. As for the reform of the taxation and gold system in the future, I am afraid that it will not be possible until Chen Jingyun reunifies China.

However, even if it only did this, it also made many businessmen have a great impression of Chen Jingyun, which was converted into their greater support for the Nationalist Army, since Chen Jingyun announced that he was going to carry out the Northern Expedition, the temporary political axe was urgently launched, and the 50 million Guangfu bonds underwritten by Huaxia Bank were sold well, and the buyers were mostly businessmen who had confidence in the Nationalist Army and supported the Nationalist Army. After all, the smallest of these bonds is 100 yuan, and ordinary people can't afford to buy these national bonds.

In order to further win over the wealthy businessmen in Fujian, Zhejiang, southern Jiangsu, and even other domestic consortia, he raised funds from the wealthy businessmen in China in batches, intending to slowly exchange this part of the state-owned equity of the Fuzhou Arsenal and then exchange it for a huge amount of cash to be used as military expenses and administrative expenses. It also allows more wealthy businessmen to participate in the Fuzhou Arsenal, and taking a stake in the Fuzhou Arsenal is equivalent to stepping on the ship of the National Army, and if the ship capsizes in the future, they will lose as much money as Chen Jingyun.

However, this move was not welcomed by many wealthy businessmen, not that they have no confidence in Chen Jingyun, but that they are a little worried about the operating conditions of the Fuzhou Arsenal itself, although the inherent assets of the Fuzhou Arsenal are huge, but the debt ratio is not generally high, Chen Jingyun has signed several loans before and after, in addition to military spending, most of the others are invested in the direct factories or subsidiaries of the Fuzhou Arsenal, this loan model is that Chen Jingyun used a political axe to borrow from the United States, After obtaining the loan, the government axe lent to Huaxia Bank without interest, and finally Huaxia Bank lent the money to various enterprises, and finally the enterprises purchased equipment from the United States after getting the money. After turning around like this, the Provisional Political Axe owed money to the Americans, the Huaxia Bank owed money to the Political Axe, and then the Fuzhou Arsenal and other enterprises owed money to the Huaxia Bank, and the amount of the loans before and after the several times added up to 60 or 70 million yuan, and it will further increase with the implementation of the second round of aid programs.

If we unify the assets and arrears accounts of Huaxia Bank and other military industrial enterprises under the national army system, we will find that all the military industrial enterprises in the national army system are now operating in debt, and the equipment and even factory land to which they belong are not enough to repay their debts.

It can be said that if the wealthy businessmen consortium want to buy those Fuzhou Arsenal enterprises in the hands of the political axe, it is equivalent to taking real money to carry a large amount of debt for the political axe, this Fuzhou Arsenal is not an ordinary enterprise, it is jointly and severally liable, and if the shares are lost, they have to take out additional money to fill in, not that the shares can be withdrawn if they are not thrown away.

Once the money is invested and the Nationalist Army can win the civil war, the shares of these military industrial enterprises will then become high-quality assets, and if the Fuzhou Arsenal pays off the huge amount of arrears in the development of the Fuzhou Arsenal for a few years, it will be high-quality assets in its hands at that time. But the risk is also very great, such a large amount of money is invested, if the national army fails, it will be in vain, not everyone has so much confidence in Chen Jingyun in the national army, even if the national army wins, but when the time comes, after the end of the civil war, if the political axe is to rest the army and develop its reputation, the orders of the Fuzhou Arsenal are bound to be reduced, not to mention profits, it will be good if it can be lost at that time, so Chen Jingyun's plan to promote the Fuzhou Arsenal suffered a serious failure.

Even if Chen Jingyun wants to use Huaxia Bank to raise funds to buy these stocks by himself, it is impossible for Huaxia Bank to buy these stocks by himself, Huaxia Bank is now an empty shelf, and most of the money is pressed on those military industrial enterprises, if they continue to take out the money, they can only print paper money for Chen Jingyun, and if the paper money is printed too much, then the paper money system that Huaxia Bank spent two years to build will collapse.

Huaxia Bank has undergone large-scale expansion in the past two years, and Chen Jingyun in order to expand its political influence and expand the capital of Huaxia Bank to develop many subordinate enterprises, took the initiative to invite some of the wealthy to inject capital, after the capital injection, Huaxia Bank's equity has also dispersed a lot, although Chen Jingyun still has as much as 70% of the shares, but there are also 30% of the shares occupied by the major Fujian and Zhejiang tycoons,

Formed a consortium centered on Huaxia Bank, which controlled almost all the large heavy industry enterprises in the national army system, Fuzhou Arsenal and many subsidiaries directly under Fuzhou Arsenal, such as Guangzhou Arsenal, Shanghai Arsenal, Fuzhou Aircraft Factory, Jiangnan Shipyard, Mawei Shipyard, etc., in addition, most of the new heavy industry enterprises that emerged in the past two years were also founded by Chen Jingyun with family capital. However, the main equity is still in the hands of Huaxia Bank, such as Fule Electric, Southeast Iron and Steel Company, Tower Cement, Sanshi Chemical, Pacific Shipping Company, Shanghai Power Company, Fuding Textile, Hademen Tobacco and many other enterprises.