Based on various considerations, Chen Jingyun pushed Jiang Zunwei back to the position of governor of Zhejiang. And Chen Jingyun's decision surprised many people, first of all, people in the Fujian system, including some senior generals in the national army and people inside the Fujian military and political axe, were a little surprised by Chen Jingyun's decision.

These originally thought that since the National Army had conquered the entire Zhejiang, then Chen Jingyun must take Zhejiang into his own hands, so the next step must be to send henchmen to fight for the governor of Zhejiang, as for Jiang Zungui, many people regard him as a dispensable role, since Jiang Zungui sent a telegram inviting troops, it has lost its use value for the entire national army system.

But this is not the case for Chen Jingyun, for Chen Jingyun, Jiang Zungui does not have much effect, but before he has a good candidate for the governor of Zhejiang, he is still very suitable.

Taking a step back, even if Chen Jingyun does not take into account the ambitions of his subordinates and insists on pulling Jiang Zunwei down from the position of governor, then it is not so easy for him to smoothly push his own people up, and the League and the Republican Party will definitely fight for the position of governor of Zhejiang, and in the end, I am afraid that Chen Jingyun will have to offend both at the same time.

In terms of the Alliance, the current momentum is very strong and Chen Jingyun still maintains some kind of friendly relations, for example, Chen Jingyun has not given up his status as a member of the Alliance.

The Republican Party is a bit more complicated, this Republican Party is not a simple political party, but the product of a number of political parties united to fight against the League, which not only has the Unification Party reorganized by the Liberation Association, but also the National Convention organized by Zhongyin, Fan Yuanlian, Huang Yuanyong and other people's associations and other political parties. And on May 9, Zhang Yuan was officially announced in Shanghai, Vice President Li Yuanhong is the chairman, known as the two gods of wealth in the north and south of the south Zhang Jian, Zhang Taiyan, the madman Zhang Taiyan, the representative of the south of the north and south peace talks Wu Tingfang, and the Mongolian prince Nayantu as the director. Then there are dozens of cadre directors, and among these cadre directors there are also a large number of celebrities: Xiong Xiling, Fan Yuanlian, Zhang Zongyuan, Zhuang Yunkuan, Lu Gongwang, Zhao Weixi, Yang Zengxin, Hu Jingyi, Cheng Dequan. The almost all gentry and merchant class can also be seen as the former great coalition of constitutionalists.

In fact, there is a big difference between the League and the Republican Party, the League is mainly based on overseas students as the backbone, and the revolution is carried out, but the Republican Party is based on the local merchant class as the backbone, and what it wants is stability.

In addition to these two powerful parties, there are now some other parties in China, such as Cai Yi who has made a unified republican party, Chen Jingyun himself has made a National Socialist Party, and some other warlords or politicians have also created some small parties, but these local parties with surnames are still confined to their respective localities and basically have no influence on a national scale.

If Chen Jingyun rashly pulls Jiang Zunwei down, then if he wants to fight for the subsequent election of the governor of Zhejiang, it will easily arouse the common hostility of the two major parties in the country. If you don't argue, it's people from other factions, so why bother doing it.

Officially, because he had so many concerns, Chen Jingyun supported Jiang Zunwei to return to Hangzhou to continue to be his governor of Zhejiang, but since Chen Jingyun couldn't ask for the position of governor, Chen Jingyun would also not sit idly by and watch Zhejiang wander outside the national army system.

In order to completely control Zhejiang, at least militarily and financially, Chen Jingyun introduced a series of measures, among which the military is to let Zhejiang implement the separation of military and political affairs like Fujian, and the military affairs are in charge of the military and political axes, and the military affairs are in charge of the national army headquarters.

This aspect belongs to the military arrangement, and Zhejiang is under the control of the Nationalist Army, and even the 25th Division in Zhejiang has been reorganized, so no one can stop Chen Jingyun's determination to completely control Zhejiang in the hands of the Nationalist Army.

In terms of government affairs, Chen Jingyun and Jiang Zunwei sent many telegrams to the same law, and finally Jiang Zungui announced that the Zhejiang military and political axe would follow the framework of the Fujian military and political axe, set up major ministries, and personally concurrently served as the chief of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. And the most critical financial aspect, the chief minister is Ying Demin, the financial secretary of the old Zhejiang Army military and political axe appointed by Jiang Zunwei last time, and the deputy director is Zhuang Nan, the director of the salary division under the National Army Command, to be precise!

From this arrangement, it is not difficult to see that Chen Jingyun attaches great importance to Zhejiang's finances.

Although the war in Hangzhou was not what Chen Jingyun expected, but the war was fought and Zhejiang was completely controlled, so it would be really unreasonable if Zhejiang was left alone. Although there is still work to be done on the surface, in practice it is necessary to control the finances.

For this reason, Chen Jingyun did not hesitate to exchange telegrams with Jiang Zunwei many times, and pointed out that the finances of Fujian's military and political axe were controlled by himself, and Zhejiang must also do the same, and also hinted that as long as you Jiang Zungui was also the chief of civil affairs, then Chen Jingyun would always support him. In this case, Jiang Zunwei has no choice but to accept Chen Jingyun's opinion, but for the sake of face, the chief is still served by Jiang Zunyun, but the actual work of the finance department will be the responsibility of Zhuang Nan.

At the same time, because the special fund-raising office was under the logistics department before, in order to facilitate management, Chen Jingyun's special fund-raising office was transferred from the logistics department and directly under the jurisdiction of the headquarters, that is, Chen Jingyun himself.

In this way, the political pattern of Fujian and Zhejiang provinces has become very strange. On the surface, there is a Fujian military and political axe, a Zhejiang military and political axe, and then a national army headquarters. Among them, Chen Jingyun is the governor of the Fujian military and political axe, and at the same time the commander-in-chief of the national army. That's not all, and then the salary raising office under the National Army Headquarters manages the finance department of the Zhejiang Military and Political Axe. This kind of relationship is simply chaotic, so that outsiders can't figure it out at all.

The reason for this chaotic situation was also caused by Chen Jingyun, who did not put the army under the jurisdiction of the Fujian Military Affairs Department in order to control the military power in the early stage, but retained the headquarters of the National Army. In addition, in order to secretly collect the finances of southern Zhejiang in the early stage, Chen Jingyun set up a special fund-raising office in the logistics department of the National Army. And now Chen Jingyun in order to avoid all kinds of bad influences, so he can't directly let An Hualin, that is, the Fujian military and political axe, directly take over Zhejiang's finances, and at the same time, he also wants to avoid the Fujian military and political axe from inserting his hand into the Zhejiang military and political axe, so he directly sent people from the headquarters to take over Zhejiang's finances.

One of the concerns is that now the Fujian military and political axe is not Chen Jingyun's hall, there are Zheng Zuyin and Lin Wenying and others, if the power of the Fujian military and political axe is expanded, then the power of Zheng Zuyin and others will be correspondingly expanded, which Chen Jingyun does not want to see.

According to Chen Jingyun's assumption, since Zheng Zuyin and these people cannot be moved, then these people will be restricted to Fujian Province. Then he reused the system of the National Army Command to unite the forces of his provinces.

It's a bit messy, but Chen Jingyun's thinking is very clear, that is, to avoid all kinds of bad influences to control the military and financial power of Fujian and Zhejiang provinces.

"Zhuang Nan, I know your ability, this time I go to Hangzhou, I hope you can work hard as always, and get Zhejiang's finances right as soon as possible!" In the governor's mansion, Chen Jingyun summoned Zhuang Nan, who was about to go to Zhejiang to take up his post.

Zhuang Nan nodded: "Commander, rest assured, I, Zhuang Nan, promise to stabilize Zhejiang's finances within a month, and reach the pre-revolutionary level within half a year!" ”

Chen Jingyun smiled: "If you can really reach the pre-revolutionary level, then it will be a great credit to you!" ”

You know, Zhejiang's financial income is not Fujian can be compared, the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China in the past few years has been second only to Jiangsu and Guangdong, in addition to Jiangsu is still divided between the north and the south, the north of Xuzhou is occupied by Beiyang, there is Nanjing in the south, there is a Jiangsu governor's mansion and so on, the situation is turbulent and the finance is naturally chaotic. It can be said that if the current Zhejiang can restore its previous fiscal revenue, then there will be no problem in ranking second in the country.

At that time, there will be about 40 million financial revenues, and after putting aside the various expenses of Zhejiang's military and political axes, the military expenses that can be contributed to the national army will be at least about 20 million. And this 50 percent ratio is still based on Chen Jingyun's permission for Zhejiang to continue all kinds of public construction, education funds, and so on, in fact, if there is a real war, these infrastructure construction will basically stop, except for the necessary funds to keep the military and political axes running, the money of the major warlords will basically be invested in the army. This is true of both the major warlords and Beiyang, the nominal central political axe.

At that time, with the financial support of Zhejiang and Fujian provinces, the national army will be able to provide further equipment levels and troops. Even from a certain point of view, it is possible to develop heavy industry in Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, because if the Nationalist Army wants to expand its army and update its weapons, it will attack the Fuzhou Arsenal for large-scale procurement, and the Fuzhou Arsenal with money will expand. The Fuzhou Arsenal is relatively representative of heavy industries, such as steel, chemistry and so on.

How important Zhejiang's finances are to the national army, Zhuang Nan is also clear. He was just a middle-level official of the Fujian Military and Political Axe Finance Department before, because he had taken refuge in Chen Jingyun earlier, so when he set up a special salary department of the Logistics Department, Chen Jingyun pushed him up, and now Chen Jingyun has pushed Zhuang Nan to the position of deputy director of the Ministry of Finance of Zhejiang, Zhuang Nan is very clear about his position, that is, for his own sake, he must think about the national army as a whole, and with the expansion of the national army, he can be promoted, and for the national army, the most important thing is military spending.

Zhuang Nan boarded the ship and went to Hangzhou the next time, along with more than a dozen officials of the Ministry of Finance who Chen Jingyun had transferred from An Hualin, who had not only taken complete control of Zhejiang's finances, but also had to use their experience in Fujian's tax reform to rectify Zhejiang's finances, so that the expansion of the Nationalist Army could determine the basis for military spending.

After the financial affairs were arranged, Chen Jingyun once again made large-scale military adjustments in view of the situation in Zhejiang.