Ezionni, on the other hand, argues that power is based on the means of force, material rewards, and symbols of legitimacy (e.g., prestige or affection).

Dennis Lang divides the power base into individual resources such as wealth, prestige, and expertise, as well as collective resources.

Futurist Toffler also proposed the theory of "power transfer", arguing that power has been transferred from traditional violence and property to knowledge.

The manifestation of power is a social relation, and there are many manifestations of power.

According to the different fields of power use, it can be divided into:

Political power: a relationship with the nature of public authority.

Economic power: Power based on socio-economic relations has a strong permeability and has a direct impact on political power.

Social power: power relations based on group identity in social roles, such as superior-subordinate relationships in organizations and parental power in families.

Cultural power: The power naturally possessed by those who have a monopoly on cultural symbols and the right to interpret culture in a cultural community.

Galbraith is divided into different power attributes according to the attributes:

Deserved power: The power to force or choose the ability of individuals and groups to make others obey.

The power of retribution: the right to give an individual a benefit to make them obey.

Restraint of power: By exercising power through a change of faith, the obedient does not feel the fact of obedience.

According to the different forms of power, it can be divided into:

Coercive power: When there is a conflict of interest between the two parties to the power relationship, the threat of force is required.

Inducing power: Positive inducements such as rewards to make the other person obey.

Power and International Relations – Power as a goal, for classical realists such as Machiavelli, Morgenthau, etc. Power is both an end and a means pursued by individuals and groups (primarily the state). Under this definition, the ends and means become one.

As to what the goal of power serves, the classical realists tended to believe that one of the essences of human nature is the endless pursuit of power.

While power is like money in economics and can be exchanged for other resources in the political realm, power "itself" is one of the goals of desire, or even the main goal.

For some people or groups, the relationship of domination and domination is the basis for satisfying their needs, and there is no need to exchange power for other resources, such as wealth, etc.

This argument can also find its basis in certain schools of psychology, sociology, philosophy (existentialism).

Historically, certain individuals or groups seem to have been able to settle for economic poverty, but they have continued to expand their power to dominate other groups and individuals. The reason for this may be the promotion of ideology or religion. But for some realists, the ultimate reason is power itself.

Power as Influence – For some modern political science researchers, defining power as a goal pursued by an individual or group seems too abstract and esoteric to prove.

Therefore, it seems more appropriate to think of power as "influence" competing for other resources.

This influence can be material, tangible. Such as economic cooperation and sanctions, military threats and alliances. It can also be an intangible resource. Such as the spread of the value of the idea.

But this view has also been criticized. Commentators believe that the concept of "influence" is ambiguous with the "consequences" of the operation of power, and it is easy to conclude that "the victor is the one who has the most influence." i.e., the logical fallacy of the powerful".

For example, the defeat of Napoleonic France in 1812 by Russia, which was militarily and economically inferior, is questionable whether it can be concluded that Russia was inherently more influential than France. In this way, the scientific and explanatory power of the concept of power is weakened.

Power as a Capability or Resource – The structural realist school of international politics (or international relations theory) has proposed a solution to the above controversy by defining power as "capacity".

This "ability" is actually the "power resource" proposed by Morgenthau and others. The advantage of such a rigorous definition is that "ability" can be measured more precisely.

For example, the military strength and economic strength of each country are compared, and the possible results of their confrontation are deduced and simulated by mathematical models.

However, scholars of this school also agree that "ability" and "resources" cannot determine the victory or defeat of more than two units in a contest, because there are always various accidental and uncertain factors in "politics".

For example, weather, plague, miscalculation, and so on. Thus, the comparison of measures can only limit the possible outcome of inter-state struggles, rather than guarantee a specific outcome.

The critical view of structural realism is that although narrowing "power" to "ability" and "resources" has the advantage of being easy to measure, it over-compresses the initiative of "people", the bearer of power, and oversimplifies the causal relationship between the development of human society into a restrictive relationship between material forces, and there is a danger of degenerating into material determinism.

The above criticisms are similar to those of Lao Tzu, Mao Zedong and others in China.

Lao Tzu once proposed the phenomenon of "overcoming the rigid with softness", and Mao Zedong once argued that "a weak country defeats a strong country", but the strong is rich in resources but is a "paper tiger".

This type of view places a high value on the strategy of the executor of power, rather than being biased around tangible resources. The concept of unrestricted warfare in contemporary China is related to this.

The view of power as "ability" and "resource" tends to focus on "hard national power" in order to facilitate the establishment of models and cross-country comparisons, but this perspective tends to ignore the role of non-material factors in international wrestling.

In the early 1990s, Nye proposed the concept of "soft national power", which was an important advance in the study of power.

According to Nye et al., soft national power is the "attractiveness" of a country's values, ideology, lifestyle, etc.

If a country has a large soft national power, that is, other countries agree with the goals and values that it wants to pursue, then when the country pursues a certain interest in the implementation of foreign policy, it can greatly reduce the consumption of hard national power.

On the other hand, if other countries are extremely hostile to their own values and ideologies, they will pay a disproportionate and heavy price in pursuing a particular national goal, even if they have obvious military and economic advantages.

At present, it is still generally accepted in academic circles that the United States has relatively strong soft national power. This soft national power is manifested in the liberal economic system and democratic political system of the United States, and the environment for development and innovation supported by this system.

In addition, the American-style, laissez-faire capitalist way of life, which encourages individuals to pursue wealth and development in a variety of ways, is also an important reason for the continuous influx of outstanding talents from various countries into the United States, helping the United States maintain economic growth, scientific leadership, and military superiority.

However, this system, as well as a series of policies since Bush took office in 2000, have been criticized as seriously undermining the soft national strength of the United States and causing the United States to pay many unnecessary costs in pursuing interests around the world.

In the mid-1990s, China's international relations scholars also put forward the concept of "comprehensive national strength". This concept is conducive to the comprehensive estimation of material and immaterial power factors, and the mathematical model is used to deal with them.

However, in several existing models, the weight estimates of different variables are quite different, and the results obtained are quite different from each other. This situation has also occurred repeatedly in other countries, and in particular, the results of different studies on how to estimate the national strength of China, Russia, India, and Japan are often very different.

Balance of power, also translated as "balance of power" and "balance of power", is one of the core concepts of classical realism and structural realism theory.

The concept of "pattern" in the literature on China's international relations is similar. This concept can refer to a policy proposition that emphasizes the need for mutual vigilance and restraint among countries. It can also refer to the objective situation of the comparative strength between the international systems. The definition to be adopted depends on the context of the literature.

When it comes to power, it is necessary to mention "rights", which is a widely used legal concept, first used by the American missionary Ding Yunliang in 1864 when translating Wheaton's "Public Law of Nations", and later began to use this translation in Japan. (To be continued......)