3. The government under the tribal regime of the Qing Dynasty

A. The central government of the Qing Dynasty

As mentioned above, the politics of the Qing Dynasty is different from traditional Chinese politics, because there is a group of people behind it who particularly support the emperor, which is the same tribe of the emperor, that is, the Manchurians. It stands to reason that the emperor is the head of a country, and he should have the support of the whole people, and there should not be another group of people in the whole country who specifically support this regime. Such a regime is a private regime, and its foundation is not stable. The Qing Dynasty regime always had to protect the Manchurians, and the Manchurians had to support them in order to have firm control, which was the selfishness of this regime. In this selfishness, he needed a spell. Therefore, we say that in the Qing Dynasty, the politics and system had less significance, and the meaning of magic was more. The Ming Dynasty abolished the prime minister, and the Qing Dynasty inherited this system, and still used cabinet scholars to manage state affairs, which was convenient for the Manchurians. Because abolishing the prime minister is beneficial to the emperor. And the emperor was clearly Manchurian.

B. Local government in the Qing Dynasty

In the Ming Dynasty, the political envoy was the highest local chief. Governors and governors are not set up, sometimes dispatched, and revoked when the matter is completed. In the Qing Dynasty, there were always governors and governors above the political envoys, and the political envoys became their subordinates, and the governors and governors became the official heads of local administrations. This system is still a kind of military control. If so, the local administration is from the county to the prefecture, and the province and the province have four levels. From the prefect to the prefect, to the Taoist, to the political envoy, and above there are governors and governors, it has become a fifth-level. However, in the military period, the governor and governor still could not be the master, and the central government had to send other people, such as the minister of economic strategy and the minister of counsellor, which were the emperor's special officials. The governor and governor still did not pass on orders. In short, the Qing Dynasty did not allow magistrates to have real authority.

The Manchurian army, known as the Eight Banners, is the backbone of the country's armed forces, and all military important places in the country are stationed with the Eight Banners. The Green Battalion below is said to be the Chinese army, but in fact, the generals who led the Green Battalion were all Manchurians. The salaries of these two armies are very high. The governors and governors of the provinces and, almost in principle, only Manchurians. Although there are Chinese who are governors and governors of Xinjiang, there are not many of them. As for the Chinese who led Manchurian soldiers to be great generals, for more than 200 years, there was only one Yue Zhonglin. When it came to the Battle of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, the Manchurians themselves really had no choice, and Zeng Zuo Hu Li recreated Zhongxing for the Manchurians, and from then on, most of the officials in the territory were transferred to the Chinese. However, before and after the defeat of the Sino-Japanese War, the officials of the feudal territory were all Manchurians, and the Chinese were in the minority again. This can show that the politics of the Qing Dynasty was completely a kind of military control, and this kind of military control was completely a kind of tribal control, because the military power should be completely attributed to this tribe.

C. The forbidden areas of the Qing Dynasty

Under this kind of private system, the worst thing is that they are weak in their own hearts, and they have to leave a retreat for themselves. This regression will remain in the three provinces of Kanto. The Qing government designated the three provinces of Kwantung as forbidden places and forbade Chinese to leave the country. As we have already said, the Manchurians are a very small tribe on the banks of the Songhua River outside the Changbai Mountains in Jilin, and Manchuria is not the three eastern provinces. On the east and west banks of the Liao River, Qin was the land of China before. The Warring States period belongs to Tsubame. Qin Shi Huang built the Great Wall of Ten Thousand Miles, east to the Datong River. In any case, the Qing Dynasty Fengtian Province, two thousand years ago, was already Chinese. For 2,000 years, it has always been Chinese. The Qing Dynasty set it aside and made it their forbidden place, and did not allow the Chinese to leave the customs. It was not until the last years of Guangxu that Hebei and Shandong could go out of the customs and open up reclamation. At that time, Taiwan was also classified as a forbidden land. Because after Taiwan was run by Zheng Chenggong, there were still people who rebelled, so Fujianese were not allowed to cross the country privately. This is because it is not easy to manage, unlike the regressors in the three Kanto provinces. In addition to the above two forbidden places, the third forbidden places are today's Chahar and Suiyuan. This is also a Chinese place, and the Qing Dynasty made it a forbidden land, and it was not allowed to add a single household or cultivate more acres of land. Because these places were close to Mongolia, their purpose was to separate the Mongols from the Han Chinese. This was also banned in the last years of Guangxu. The fourth forbidden place is Xinjiang. Therefore, the soil was fertile and had not yet been developed, and they wanted to keep it as a place for food and clothing for the Manchurians, hoping that the Manchurians would go there, so the Chinese were not allowed to go. It was not until Zuo Zongtang pacified the rebellion that the ban began to be relaxed, and the Han people could go to Xinjiang casually. Because of these selfish spells of the Manchurians, many forbidden places were carved out in China for no reason, and many special areas were formed. Therefore, some of these places are deserted, and some are developed very late. The Chinese also believed that the so-called Chinese were only the eighteen provinces of the headquarters at that time. In fact, in the context of traditional history, this is not the case at all.

Sub, the Qing Dynasty's Military Aircraft Department

When Yongzheng arrived, another military aircraft department was added to the cabinet. The Wenhua Hall and Wuying Hall in the Qing Palace, this is where the cabinet scholars do their work. Yongzheng is behind the three major halls, and there is another military aircraft office, which is the so-called south study, which is only a very small room. Originally, in order to maintain military secrets, the emperor did not go through the cabinet, and many things were issued by the Military Aircraft Department of the South Study. Later, it became customary, and the actual important decrees of the government were in the military aircraft department, and were no longer in the cabinet. As the name suggests, the cabinet is also like a civil rule, and the military aircraft department is clearly the name of a military rule. Since the supreme decrees belong to military aircraft, of course, it can only be said that it is a military rule. However, the Minister of Military Aircraft of the Military Aircraft Department is also selected from the cabinet ministers, and a few of the cabinet ministers are selected to go to the south study to cooperate with the emperor. So in fact, the military aircraft department of the Qing Dynasty was equivalent to the Ming Dynasty, the emperor did not go out of the palace to do things, and only found a few private people to discuss inside. However, the emperors of the Qing Dynasty were relatively smart, and in view of the fact that the eunuchs of the Ming Dynasty were in power and caused the disaster of the country, they did not look for eunuchs inside, but transferred ministers to the outside. But in terms of system, the two are still the same. Whether it is a eunuch or a minister of military aircraft, they are only the emperor's private secretary anyway, not the ministers of the imperial court. Last time, we said that Zhang Juzheng should not have the right to give the highest orders of the government; Second, no one should be asked to report to the emperor's official affairs, and he should also report a share. A chief and his secretary are only one and the same organ. Zhang Juzheng asked people to send one part of the official affairs to the emperor and one to the cabinet, which is unreasonable. If Zhang Juzheng's name is defined as the prime minister, those official documents do not need to be sent to the emperor as long as they are sent to the prime minister. Therefore, from the perspective of the system, Zhang Juzheng's method does not make sense in the end. The Qing Dynasty Military Machinery Department issued direct orders to the ministers of the six ministries and the governors of the provinces, and these orders were still issued by the emperor. Because the highest power of the government belongs to the emperor, the military aircraft department is just the emperor's secretary, and it is really just a "south study" of the emperor.

The procedures for the Qing Dynasty government to issue the supreme order were very unreasonable. His supreme order is called the Edict, and the Edict is divided into two kinds: one is the Edict of the Explicit Decree and the other is the Edict of the Sending Letter. For example, the emperor went out to patrol the country, went to the tomb, feasted, and rescued the famine, as well as the central government's Shangshu, Shilang, the promotion of the local government's chief military prefect and above, as well as the announcement of all Chinese and foreign affairs, all prepared by the cabinet, read by the emperor, and then handed over by the cabinet to the six ministries, which is the practice of China. Sending letters to the emperor was unique to the Qing Dynasty, and was sent directly from the emperor's military department to the person who received the order, without following the above procedure. For example, the edict to the governor of Jiangsu was sent directly to the governor, and no one else knew about it. Or if you want to hand it over to the secretary of the ministry, you will also send a letter directly to the secretary of the ministry, and no one else will know about it. In the beginning, this method was used because of military secrets, and later almost all important matters were sent by sending letters to the emperor. This kind of edict was proposed by the Military Aircraft Department to the emperor, and after the emperor read it, he sealed it and stamped a seal, which was called "Handling the Military Aircraft Department", which is the place where the military aircraft were handled. Who is there to do it? This is, of course, the emperor. Once this seal is stamped, no one can see it. For example, if it is related to economic and financial issues, it will be sent to the governor of Jiangsu, and even the minister of household affairs will not be able to read it. If it is related to military affairs, it will be given to the governor of Liangguang, and the military department will not be able to read it. The person who handles the military aircraft department is called the minister of military aircraft, nominally a minister, according to the legal principles of the system, he is not a minister, because he is the emperor's royal service, not the official supreme administrative head of the government. After this kind of edict is sealed and stamped by the Military Aircraft Department, it will be handed over to the military department, and the military department cannot open it, as long as he adds a sealed bag, it will be issued directly to the person who received the order. If this is the case, all the governors of the country and foreign countries have a direct relationship with the emperor, and no other people know about it. It's not a national politics, it's all a secret and no longer open to the public! Of course, secret politics can only be said to be a spell, not a system!

Until now, there is also an engraved edict of Yongzheng Zhu, which is a great holy decree in the politics of the Qing Dynasty. Yongzheng is famous and can ****. His previous generation was Kangxi. In Chinese history, Kangxi is also a good emperor, and Yongzheng is too ****. If we look at his edict on Zhu Pi, we can see how the Qing emperors ruled China. At that time, he knew all the activities of local governors throughout the country, and probably all over the country, there were special agents sent by him. Therefore, many people's private lives, even the trivial matters of their families, fathers, sons, and relatives, cannot be hidden from him. He criticized all the pieces in detail. Although he is shrewd and dictatorial at the same time, he has his energy, he has his cleverness, and he already knows about foreign affairs, no matter how big or small, others do not know about it. In the past, when I was the emperor, the official affairs given to the emperor outside were sent to the six departments first, and the official affairs taken out by the emperor must also be seen first. Because politics should be open, and the six books are the administrative heads of the country. This was still the case in the Ming Dynasty. At that time, the appointment of big officials was still pushed by the court, and the appointment of small officials was only through the ministry. If it is related to education, it must go through the Ministry of Rites. It cannot be said that the emperor decided in private, and he did not give the chief executive of the government a warning. It must not be said to be a system, nor to be called customary law, but only to be said to be magic. Why? Because it's purely selfish. Selfishness, on the other hand, must not form a system.

In this regard, the Qing Dynasty was more authoritarian than the Ming Dynasty. In the Ming Dynasty, the emperor was still the prime minister under the system. The prime minister was abolished, and the power of the prime minister was concurrently held by the emperor. It's just that the prime minister did something wrong and must be held responsible. The emperor did something wrong and could not be held responsible. Apart from this difference, the system of the Ming Dynasty was generally similar to that of the past. The Qing Dynasty went beyond this limit. We have said that the edicts of the Tang and Song dynasties must be stamped by the prime minister, and without the seal of the prime minister, it will not become an edict. Why does the emperor's edict have to be stamped by the prime minister? That's a system. Why can't the emperor's edict be shown to others, but sent directly? It's a spell. The distinction here is simple, in other words: one is public and justified, and the other is private and unjustified. How could the selfish politics of the Qing Dynasty continue? This is because the emperor has all the Manchurians behind him. If an emperor wants to be dictatorial, there must be some people behind him who strongly support him, so that he can be truly dictatorial. Any dictator has a particular group that embraces his dictatorship. When we talk about the emperor's dictatorship at the moment, we also have to see which force is helping his dictatorship and supporting his dictatorship. In Chinese history, since the Qin Dynasty, there has been no such fixed force behind the emperors. The aristocracy, the military, the bourgeoisie, there are none. If it is said that the emperor uses scholars, the scholars support the emperor, but it is more public for the scholars to support the emperor. Because the scholar is not the emperor's private power. And the reader is not a fixed group. In Chinese history, there were only Yuan and Qing, and behind the emperor there were whole groups of Mongols and Manchurians to help. The other generations, by and large, are the scholars of the whole country — and it is not unfair to have educated and examined people from among the people of the whole country to help the government. Some people think that this is a "feudal society", which is really nonsense. Scholars are not feudal. On the other hand, it is not selfish for the emperor or the government to cultivate scholars. It is not as good as the Yuan and Qing dynasties, which are dedicated to supporting the Mongols and Manchurians. This kind of politics is, of course, selfish. Because it is selfish, all manifestations do not become institutions, but only spells.

Chou, the six books of the Qing Dynasty

The six Shangshu of the Qing Dynasty also followed the Ming system. However, the power of the six Shangshu in the Ming Dynasty was quite large, especially the two official soldiers. The use of personnel and the transfer of troops throughout the country are under the control of these two ministries. The emperor's edict was issued, and it had to go through six ministries, and the national affairs had to go through six ministries, and the military department still had the right to give orders to the governors. The six parts of the Qing Dynasty had much less power. The six Shangshu can no longer issue direct orders to the subordinates, and the six Shangshu are no longer the head of the administration. What's even more different is that the six Shangshu Shilang have to play the emperor alone. It stands to reason that he should be responsible for planning all the military affairs in the country, he can order the transfer of the army, and the squire is only his deputy, and the chief should be responsible for the power. Now the military department Shangshu can only stop at the emperor, and the Shangshu can be played alone, and the squire can also be played alone, so that the Shangshu can't control the squire. In the past, each of the six departments, each with a book and a squire, was originally the chief and deputy governor. In the Qing Dynasty, the Manchus and Han were separated, and there was a Chinese Shangshu, and there must be a Manchurian Shangshu. There are ******** squires, and there must be two Manchurian squires. So one had six chiefs, and six ministers had thirty-six. Everyone could speak to the emperor individually, and in one of them, the Chinese Shangshu did not know what the Manchurian Shangshu said, and there were four deputies, and no one knew who was pulling whose legs. The emperor sent a letter to a certain person, and no one knew what it was talking about. May I ask what else can be done in the sixth part of Shangshu? The six ministries can't do things, and of course the affairs of the whole country are more concentrated on the emperor. In the Ming Dynasty, there was also a group of things in each department, although they were petty officials, and the emperor came down on official affairs, they could also express their objections. On the surface, they opposed the emperor's edict but against the six ministers. But the edict must go to the sixth, just like the prime minister who issued the order in the Tang Dynasty, according to the law, he is only against the prime minister, not against the emperor! The order of the Ming Dynasty was issued by the emperor, but the emperor sent an edict to send six books, and the six departments had their own affairs, and they wanted to oppose it, which was actually equivalent to opposing the emperor. Until the Ming Dynasty was about to die, the internal rogue Zhang Xianzhong and Li Zicheng were rampant, and the Manchurians outside wanted to enter the pass, and the emperor advocated that the Liuliu Kou should be fought first and then the Manchurians, which is the so-called first peace inside, and then outside. This one is not bad either. The military department of the merchant and the secretary of the military department also have no objection. But when they knew about it, they opposed it, and the emperor had no choice but to withdraw the military department. Some people say that the Ming Dynasty lost the country and saved it in these places. It is always difficult to implement policies, and how to make the country tide over this danger. In modern Western democracy, there are few things that no one opposes. The president or the prime minister of the cabinet is fortunate to have the support of the majority of the political parties behind the scenes, but there are many things that cannot be done. In the past, there was no political party in China, and all political affairs were open and everyone could speak. When it comes to a national crisis, diplomatic issues, military issues, sometimes absolute secrecy, and even sometimes dictatorship. In modern times, some people also feel that the Anglo-American democratic politics is sometimes really slow and urgent, and it is inevitable that Jilin will suffer losses. But in terms of constant averages, secret politics, ******** politics, always have more good than harm. Democratic politics, open politics, always harms not victory. Traditional Chinese politics has 2,000 years of experience in technology, but it has its precious points. The most valuable thing is that it is public. Everything is public. Because there is a system, everything comes out of the system. It is impossible not to make it public. The edict of the emperor of the Qing Dynasty does not have to go through the six ministries, and the six ministries cannot be ordered to the whole country, and the Shangshu and the squire can be played alone, and there is no right to refute the matter, and the official name in the matter is there, but it has been unified and lost its own duties. As far as political common sense is concerned, one organ represents a whole. For example, the representative of the military department should be in charge of the military department, and the military department squire is the deputy chief officer, one is the main officer, one is the deputy chief officer, and the deputy chief officer is of course only an assistant to the chief officer, and it cannot be said that the military department secretary says this, and the military department squire says that again, and it becomes only an individual and no organ. For example, if the Minister of Finance represents the Ministry of Finance, the Vice-Minister of Finance should of course contribute to the Minister on financial matters, and should not directly present his views to the Executive Yuan. It's simple. Therefore, those measures in the Qing Dynasty are just spells, and they cannot be said to be systems.

The six Shangshu and Shilang of the Qing Dynasty could all speak to the emperor alone, as mentioned above. However, no one was allowed to speak to the emperor. The Hanlin Yuan is a very responsible institution, and the Hanlin Yuan has editors, reviewers, etc., and it is reasonable to be an official of Qing Wang, although they have no real political power, but their status is very high, and they have always been able to speak to the government. In the Qing Dynasty, it was not allowed to "talk about things". What about the magistrates? Only the governors, governors, feudal envoys, and eunuchs can speak directly to the government, and the prefectures and counties below the provincial level cannot speak exclusively about things. Compared with the Ming Dynasty, different people can also speak directly to the emperor, which is too far away.

These regulations of the Qing Dynasty, if they are systems, these systems just ask people not to ask about politics. In addition to selfishness, what is the meaning of this system? Moreover, the Qing system does not allow the people to have a public voice. At that time, the school and county schools had Minglun Hall, and the Qing court placed a stone tablet in each Minglun Hall, which was not planted vertically but lying horizontally, so it was called a lying tablet. There are several prohibitions engraved on the stele. First, students are not allowed to say anything; second, no alliances and associations; Third, no engraving of words is allowed. These three prohibitions happen to be the so-called three freedoms of speech, freedom of association, and freedom of the press, which modern Westerners want to strive for. The modern history of the East and the West has a contrasting contrast. Speaking of which, it is really worthy of the shame in our hearts. The monument was erected in the fifth year of Shunzhi. The famous Jin Shengsigh was killed for violating the ban on lying on the monument. Because of the corruption of the examiners at that time, some students ran to Minglun Hall to cry to the spiritual seat of Confucius, and they violated the prohibition of association of speech and matter. When we look at these places, we can see the intention of the Qing system. In the Ming Dynasty, everyone was specially rewarded for speaking and speaking publicly. This is not only the case in the Ming system, but also in all dynasties. Only in the Qing Dynasty was no one allowed to speak. What kind of system is this? These were just some unreasonable spells by the Manchurian tribal regime to facilitate their rule over China.

In Chinese history, the appointment of officials has always been under the control of the ministry. Below the fifth grade, the officials have the right to use it. If the fifth grade is above, the name of the official will be given to the prime minister, and it will be decided by the above. The Ming Dynasty abolished the prime minister, and the minister was changed to Tingtui, which was decided by the Jiuqing and Qiqing. However, the opinion of the secretary is respected by everyone. If a petty official is appointed, the power is still in the ministry. The Qing Dynasty officials were specially simplified by the emperor, and the officials did not know, and they did not need to be pushed. The following petty officials cannot all be appointed by the emperor, and they can be returned to the ministry, which is still a kind of law directly passed down in Chinese history, and the emperor of the Qing Dynasty has not abolished it. However, the people who were distributed by the officials must be introduced in the Qing Dynasty, and they must wait until the emperor meets before they can officially take office. This is nothing more than an indication that the right to employ people in the whole country is accepted by the emperor. According to the Qing Dynasty, any kind of petty official, the emperor was introduced. This is not that the emperor values these officials, but it is the Qing emperor who used this system to teach the Chinese and tell the society: This is the emperor's whole. If you don't see the emperor's face, you don't want to be a sesame official. Of course, this can only be said to be a spell, not a system. Because these systems are selfish. Selfish systems, even spells. Spells are all about means, regardless of meaning. If it makes sense to say the law, it is only a private meaning.

4. Examination system under tribal power

Let's talk about the examination system of the Qing Dynasty. If the examination system is a policy of fooling the people, the Qing Dynasty is well-deserved. At the end of the late Qing Dynasty, Zou Rong said in the book "Revolutionary Army": "The Manchurians in China are only the smallest part of the eighteen provinces, and those who are in the court are more than the smallest part of the eighteen provinces." Today, I will try to look at it with the shortage of Beijing officials and Han people. Since the university scholar Lang Shangshu is full of Han and lacks a flat column, such as the cabinet, it is full of bachelors six, Han bachelors four, Manmeng scholars six bachelors, and Han military Han scholars two bachelors. The Manchu reads twelve, the Han reads two, the Manmeng book is ninety-four, and the Hanzhong book is thirty. For example, there are about 400 vacancies in the Manlang department, more than 30 officials, more than 100 households, more than 30 rites, 40 soldiers, 70 criminals, and 80 workers. The rest of the ministries were full of people, and there was no Han Chinese. The vacancy of Hanlang Lieutenant and Foreign Directors is only one hundred and sixty-two. In the records of the gentlemen every quarter, under the general heading of the officials, only a few people who are in charge of the Hanlang are marked, and they are full of lack of words, and there is no hidden intention that the world can not be expressed. It is six full of missing divisions, and it is three times that of Han is lacking divisions, and the pen style is not yet in this number. However, there is a shortage of provincial government roads, and most of them are released by the members of the six departments. No wonder the Manchurians are Taoists, and they are all over the country. If you manage the yamen of the domain, from the scholar to the chief treasurer, they are all full of people, and no Han people are wrong. The rest of the Zhangyuan Bachelors, Zongrenfu, Metropolitan Inspectorate, Tongzheng Division, Dali Temple, Taichang Temple, Taifu Temple, Guanglu Temple, Honglu Temple, Guozijian, Luanyi Yamen are all vacancies, and there is no time to count them. There are more than the shortage of the full, and none of them have the righteousness of equality. Zou Rong's words really described the reality of the tribal regime of the Qing Dynasty. The purpose of China's examination system is to open up the political power, select real talents, and distribute them to various government departments. At present, the tribal regime of the Qing Dynasty has no intention of opening up the political power, and the examination has only become a form of fetters and cages. In other words, only let the Han people taste some sweetness, and open up one corner of the regime as a condition of compromise. Zou Rong also said: "As for the choice of the imperial examination, although the Han people live in seven or eight out of ten, the main thing is more extra, and the Hanlin is good for the poor, and it is difficult to fill the vacancy to ascend to the sky, and the opening of the workshop is similar to Chaohai." But try to make it false and disagree. In addition, there are more provincial examiners of academic administration and state and county education, so that useless people can be treated with useless things. Fortunately, among the hundreds of millions of people, there are those who have actually ascended to the position of university scholars, and they are all white-toothed, old-fashioned, and the rest is in the hands of the Manchurians. However, it is stipulated that the Han people must be born in Hanlin and be worthy of worship, while the Manchu people, no matter what their background, can be both civil and military, and they are judges, and there is a deep meaning in it." Zou Rong's statement also exhausts the position that the examination system can occupy under the tribal regime. Let me ask whether the elections and examinations of the Han, Tang, Song and Ming dynasties were also drained by the regime surnamed Liu and the regime surnamed Li, and the qualified people of this generation of elections and examinations were allowed to taste their share of the pie at their discretion? Even in the Han, Tang, Song and Ming dynasties, there were also confused accounts of the eunuchs and eunuchs outside the clan who used their power without permission, but this was only a temporary personnel corruption, but it was not the system itself. It can be seen that each system should not be based on the system itself, but should be judged by the effect and actual impact of the system in the interrelationship between the other systems of the government. Therefore, the examination system of the tribal regimes of the Yuan and Qing dynasties should never be regarded as the examination system under traditional Chinese politics. Before Zou Rong, such as Gong Zizhen in the Daoxian era, they had already seen the intentions of the Manchu regime. It was only because the Han people were not allowed to openly criticize it at that time, so Gong Zizhen's generation could only jointly and severally criticize the examination system of the past dynasties in Chinese history, saying that it was just the emperor's selfishness and playing with it. This should be discussed separately when we know people and the world.

5. The control policy of the Qing Dynasty

Besides, the Manchurians ran into China, and he first defeated Mongolia before arriving in China. Therefore, he is particularly gentle towards Mongolia and Tibet. Especially for the Mongols, it is deliberately wooed. As for the Koreans, because they have always been very loyal to the Ming family, the Manchurians are very discriminatory against the Koreans. The Mongols had many bezi, beylor, princes, etc., and became relatives of Manchuria. At that time, it was the Manchurians first, the Mongols second, and it was the turn of the Chinese at the beginning. The Manchu emperors also particularly believed in Lamaism, like the Lama Temple in Beiping, which is a lama temple. This is because they want to use religion to bind Mongolia and Tibet. Religion also became a kind of magic under the use of the Manchurians. Therefore, although they can worship Confucius and worship Lama at the same time. It's not faith, it's all magic. They wanted to rule China, lest they would not have enough strength to pull in the Mongols, who had previously invaded China. Therefore, the Manchurians treated them like brothers. At the same time, they were forbidden to trade with the Chinese. He ruled over these places and set up a special court, slightly like the current Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Lifan Yuan did not use Han Chinese, and the Lifan Yuan managed the affairs of the Yuan by Manchurians, and there were Mongols below, and Manchu and Mongolian were mixed, but the Chinese were not allowed to hear about it. His intentions are, now speaking, an imperialist. The term imperialism originated in the West, but China has never had it. From the Qin and Han dynasties to the Ming dynasty, China never became an empire. The empire must have its conquering lands, which are not ruled equally by their own governments. For example, the British sent governors in Hong Kong and India before, and the French also sent governors in Annam to administer these conquered territories separately. This is called imperialism. The Americans did not want the Philippines to join the Union, but they also did not want to send a governor to rule, because sending a governor would make it an empire. The Governor of Hong Kong and India is nominally appointed by the British Crown, not by the Cabinet. Its own politics were democratic, but its colonies were subordinate to the empire and no democracy was allowed. If the United States also sends a governor general in the Philippines to administer it, will the president of the United States be equal to the emperor of the United Kingdom? This goes against the spirit of the founding of the United States. The Americans' refusal to do this, and their reluctance to allow the Philippines to join the Union, allowed him to become independent. This is because a country has a country's size, a country's system, its founding spirit and traditional history, and cannot be changed casually. The Americans, in spite of their emphasis on the commerce of the East, had no choice but to think of a way to overthrow the spirit of history since the founding of the Philippines by sending a governor to govern the Philippines. Therefore, when the Soviets speak of American imperialism today, they do not correspond to the name in reality. However, if Britain is a kind of imperialism towards Hong Kong, it is impossible to escape the argument. For he hath divided the whole country into two parts, one for his own country and the other for the conquered land. That's why it's called an empire. The Qing Dynasty had the so-called eighteen provinces of the headquarters, and there were vassals outside, so it was said that it was like an empire in the West, but it was different in detail. Because it is better to treat Mongolia than to treat people in China itself, the Mongols have to be crowned princes, but the Chinese do not. The British could never treat Hong Kong people better than their own people, which shows that even if the Qing Dynasty was an empire, things were still cleverly different. Our current problem is that we like to use other people's ready-made nouns casually, and we don't know the exact explanations of these nouns. Westerners call China the Qing Empire, also known as Kangxi the Emperor, the West has an empire, there is a so-called emperor, but China has never had such a system, and such an idea. But we like to call the Han Empire and Qin Shi Huang the Great. In the context of the concept of righteousness, these should be carefully discerned.

When the Manchurians came to China, all their policies were to use the Manchurian tribes to control the Chinese. and again wooed Huairou Mengzang to hold the Han people hostage. This has all been mentioned above. Now let's talk about their treatment of the Han Chinese. When they came to China, of course the Chinese wanted to resist, and the leaders of the rebellion were, of course, intellectuals. So they opened up their courses, inherited the Chinese examination system, and said that the regime would be open, and that Chinese scholars would still be allowed to be officials, and that you would be allowed to participate in politics and be the highest official in the government. But in reality, there is another way to stop you. For example, each yamen is full of Han people, and the governors and governors of other provinces are used more and less Han lamps are used. This was not enough, and the most clever policy of the Manchurians was to dismantle the resistance of Chinese society by deliberately oppressing the Chinese intelligentsia and currying favor with the lower classes. On the one hand, they were in the Huairou Domain, oppressing China. On the one hand, they were shackling Chinese intellectuals to alleviate resistance. On the other hand, it oppresses intellectuals and curries favor with the lower classes. These three aspects are very thoughtful. Kangxi and Yongzheng were also very capable emperors, and after their rule, there was no freedom of speech in China, no freedom of association and the press, and there was constantly a very terrible *. all kinds of oppression, and the intellectuals could not disobey it. At the same time, it is precisely because they also know how to please the people. In the Qing Dynasty, there was a so-called method of distributing grain from the land, which only collected land rent and no longer required Dingkou tax. This is what they themselves boast of in the so-called benevolent government. In the 50th year of Kangxi, the national population statistics at that time, a total of 24.62 million people, from this year, the Qing court issued an edict never to increase the Ding Fu - that is, the population tax, and the population is still a survey, every five years to compile the review, but the Ding Fu will never be added again. In fact, this provision is not benevolent. Because from the perspective of Chinese history, the two-tax system has long been used to transport the tax into the land rent, and later the peasants were required to perform errand labor or pay for immunization, which is not right later. Wang Jinggong formulated the immunization money, and after a while, the people were going to be errands again, so the Ming Dynasty proposed a whip law, and then took the errand to be included in the land rent. When the Manchurians ran into China, everything was regulated, and the amount of land was levied according to the rules of the Wanli period, so the errand was already spread out in the field rent, and now it was still to be served. By the time of Kangxi, there was another unity of the earth, which was still evolving according to the inertia of Chinese history, and at most restored the old amount of the Ming Dynasty, but in fact, it was not possible. How can this be considered benevolent? What's more, after the integration of the land and the people, in fact, the tax is still increasing. Therefore, this method quickly loses its effect of currying favor with the people. Moreover, basically speaking, if the population tax is added to the local tax, the population will increase in the future, and the people will not be responsible for the state. Until now, the average Chinese people, unless they have land and houses, are not responsible for the country, and this is really not a good system. In short, in terms of the system, the Qing Dynasty really did not have a few items worthy of our praise today.

6. Popular revolt

I often say that there is no such thing as a system that lasts forever in history. What's more, it's a spell, just selfish, temporary, how can it last long? It's not a bad idea to please someone who wants to please the people. But they are also bent on oppressing intellectuals. They only need to have obedient officials, and they are not allowed to have upright people. The result is political servility, mediocrity, perfunctory, corruption, and lack of spirit. Politics is corrupt, and even if you want to please the people, the people will not get benefits. By the time of Qianlong, the Manchu bureaucracy was becoming more and more presumptuous, and political corruption was accelerating, and the Chinese intellectuals had lost their sense of resistance, but the suffering of the lower classes of the people was growing over. As a result, the people revolted in all directions, and the servants rose again and again. The most famous is the so-called Sichuan and Chu bandits, which the Manchurian court took a lot of effort to suppress. But the root cause of the disease still exists, and some of them have not diminished. Therefore, even if the Manchu government did not encounter Sino-Western communication and did not have the invasion of Western forces, it would soon have to collapse.

During the Jiaqing period, there were constant changes again and again, and later there was a stirring up of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. From today's point of view, everyone sympathizes with the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and thinks that it is a national revolution, which is not true, but in reality it is not true. At least they are too ignorant of politics, they have occupied Nanjing for more than ten years, and they have hardly made any achievements in the system. They are more decent in the military system, but they have never realized the importance of sailors. They probably have this idea for the lower classes of the people who want to implement the equalization system and a more superficial socialism, but when it comes to politics, it is too low. The first is that the name of the kingdom is a bad omen, where is there a formal establishment of a nation and is called the kingdom of heaven? This is an exposure of their shallow knowledge of Western Jehoism. Coupled with the word Taiping, the Yellow Turban Rebellion of the Eastern Han Dynasty believed in the Taiping Dao. Their subconscious, it seems, influenced by this, that the name of the country is the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, which can already foreshadow their defeat. Such a country name is too contrary to historical traditions. It was precisely because there were so few scholars in this group that the Manchu regime was a success of the Manchu regime in deliberately separating the Chinese intelligentsia from the lower classes. The Xinhai Revolution was called the Republic of China, which was different because there were scholars in the revolutionary party. And as soon as Hong Yang came out, he was called the King of Heaven, the King of the East, the King of the South, the King of the West, the King of the North, and the King of the Wings. After they were coaxed in Nanjing, Yang Xiuqing was killed, but many people continued to claim the king, and the name was even more absurd. Xiao Chaogui's son became the king of Youxi, and Hong Renfa and Hong Renda were also known as the eldest brother of Wang and the second brother of Wang. Even when the Manchurians first entered China, they did not behave so rudely and naively. It was precisely because of the beginning of the Manchurians that they were able to use Chinese intellectuals, but the Hongyang clique could not. They burned down the Confucian Temple everywhere, Confucius's book was called the Demon Book, they wanted to completely overthrow the traditional national culture, even if there was no Zeng Guofan and Zuo Zongtang at that time, Hong Yang still had to fail. Below the kings, there are heavenly officials and prime ministers, these official names are really ridiculous. Where can anyone who does not read at all, overthrows all the past historical traditions of his own country, and only plagiarizes some foreign religious sketches, Heavenly Father and Heavenly Brother, a bunch of nonsense, can be done? We don't have to dwell on everything else, but if we look at their names and official names, we know that they are bound to fail. If the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom succeeded, it would be a failure of all Chinese history. At that time, Hong Yang was not unable to overthrow the Manchu Qing, but at the same time they wanted to overthrow the entire history of China, so they could only fail. Modern Chinese are also trying to overthrow the entire history of China, so they are more sympathetic to the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. But then again, the history of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom failed, and the Manchu regime gradually shifted to the Chinese. More Chinese also served as officials in the feudal territory, and the army became the Xiang army and the Huai army, which forced out the changes after the Manchu Qing government.

7. Reform and Revolution

Now we will talk about the changes and revolutions that followed the fall of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. At that time, it was Sun Yat-sen who advocated revolution, and Kang Youwei who advocated changing the law. Kang Youwei's theory cannot be said to be completely wrong. He said that as long as a country can establish a constitution, it does not matter whether the emperor has or not. At that time, there were emperors in Britain, Germany, Japan, and Italy, and we did not have to revolutionize and abolish the emperor, but we could wholeheartedly implement the constitution and let the Manchurians still be emperors. But Kang Youwei only knew that the emperor was harmless to the constitution, but he didn't know that behind the Manchu emperor was a tribal regime. Tribal power will never tolerate a so-called constitution. Mr. Sun Yat-sen advocated revolution and must overthrow the emperor, and Kang Youwei's change became a royalist, and it seemed that the emperor had to be overthrown. Kang Youwei really didn't see it clearly, he thought that as long as Emperor Guangxu listened to him, the change would become successful, which was his big mistake. This mistake is also a mistake in not understanding the concept of so-called sovereignty in politics like Westerners. He did not understand that the politics of China at that time was the politics of Manchurian tribal sovereignty. It is the Manchurians who hold the sovereignty, where is the **** like his so-called emperor? He mistakenly thought that traditional Chinese politics was only the emperor ****, so he thought that as long as the emperor listened to me, he could change from the emperor **** to the emperor's constitution. Later, Kang Liang failed, and Liang Qichao once said with indignation: 2,000 years of Chinese history is just no formal revolution. He's not bad about that. But he didn't know that under traditional Chinese politics, there was really no need for revolution. At that time, it was really a revolution. Without revolution, it would be impossible to overthrow the tribal regime of the Manchus. Liang Qichao is also like Kang Youwei, mistakenly regarding the traditional politics of China since the Qin and Han dynasties as the emperor ****, the emperor **** is just a political system, so as long as the law is changed, it is enough to reform this system. He didn't know that at that time, behind this system, there was a force supporting it, close at hand. It's not the emperor who can **** alone, there are their tribes behind the emperor - the Manchurians support the emperor, so they can ****. Now that Emperor Guangxu can't jump out of the circle of the Manchurians, how can he reform this system? If the Manchurian tribal group is to be broken, it must be revolutionary. When it comes to the power behind the government, this is the position and background of today's **. As for the traditional regimes in China's history, whether they are the Han, Tang, Song, or Ming dynasties, they have no selfish power, private positions, or private backgrounds, and the background of their positions is the people of the whole country and the whole society. Therefore, when encountering political corruption, as long as a group of people are replaced, the corrupt system can be slightly modified, and it can still be continued. As a result, there was only rebellion in Chinese history, and there was no revolution. In any dynasty, there is no private force to support it, and if it is corrupt, the world will be in chaos. And there is no real force that prevents us from bringing chaos back to order. Now there is this force that stands in our way, and we have to defeat it. This situation, which had to be overthrown, was forced into a revolution. Therefore, the rise of the Tang and Song dynasties cannot be called revolutions, but only personnel changes, and at most they can only be called reforms. But in the last years of the Qing Dynasty, it was necessary to revolution. His regime for more than 200 years is different from that of the Han, Tang, Song and Ming dynasties. To paraphrase the West, it can be said that all sovereignty at that time rested with the Manchurians. To overthrow the Manchurians is to overthrow this political privilege. We cannot say that all sovereignty in the Han Dynasty was in the Liu family, and all sovereignty in the Tang Dynasty was in the Li family. Traditional Chinese politics, since the Han Dynasty, has rarely had such privileges. This has been analyzed and proved in detail when I described the political system of the Han and Tang dynasties above. Now the power is in the hands of a special group, the Manchurian tribes. If we separate political sovereignty from political system, we have formed two factions of opinions: one is Kang Youwei, who advocates changing the law and not revolution, and he looks at the system but not sovereignty. The other faction is Zhang Taiyan, who advocates that there is only revolution and no need to change the law, and he looks at sovereignty but not system. Among these two factions, Dr. Sun Yat-sen believed that revolution was necessary, and that after the revolution, the law had to be changed. The most important point of the change is to completely abolish the succession to the throne, and there is no need for an emperor at all. He referred to the ancient and modern systems of China and the West, and wanted to create a new system. Of course, Kang Youwei and Zhang Taiyan are simple scholars, and Mr. Sun Yat-sen is a great statesman, he has the cultivation of a scholar, and he also has a profound observation of politics and society, and he knows China and the West, so his revolutionary theories are also different.

Later, the Manchu Qing Dynasty was overthrown, but even the entire history and culture of our China was also overthrown. This was due to the misconception that the political system of the Manchu Qing Dynasty was entirely an old Chinese tradition since Qin Shi Huang. I also mistakenly think that this kind of system can be called the emperor's **** in a word. As a result, dissatisfaction with the Manchu regime affected dissatisfaction with all historical and traditional culture. However, if all traditional culture is overthrown, ordinary people will have no trust in one of the country's previous traditions. In the end, the politics of a country cannot be separated from the whole. The stability of political power must depend on a spiritual right that is observed and believed by the masses of society. That right is overthrown, and other rights cannot be established for a while, and all politics can no longer be built. Therefore, Dr. Sun Yat-sen's assertion that there should be a psychological construction after the revolution seems to be very correct. For example, when we talk about the examination system, this is of course a system with a very long tradition in our Chinese history, and behind this system, there is its greatest spirit to support. However, when Dr. Sun Yat-sen reintroduced this system, he would inevitably encounter many difficulties and setbacks. Because after the Qing Dynasty, the belief in the common respect and common trust of the examination system in the spirit of the Chinese has long been broken. Today, if we want to rebuild the examination system, it is no longer a matter of talking about the system alone, but we must start from scratch psychologically. In other words, in order to implement such a system, it is necessary to have faith in the system. That is, for example, in the Qing Dynasty for more than two hundred years, which day the township test and which day will be tested, there has never been a change for a day. This is because the people of the whole country have a common respect and confidence in this system, so for hundreds of years even the date of a day has not been shaken. This is not the power of the system itself, nor is it oppressed by other forces in politics, but the psychological force of the common trust in society is supporting. Know that this is true of all politics and all systems. At present, we seem to have an experimental attitude towards all political systems, and this system has not entered the realm of common respect and trust, and it is a big problem to try it with a theory. Even if something new from other countries is something new in a month or two, or a few people's new theories, we are happy to try and use them casually. Where is there a politics without historical causes, a system without traditional evolution, and can really be established? We insist that Chinese history is unacceptable, that Chinese society must be thoroughly reformed, and that the political system is confused with the slogan of revolutionary overthrow. We are not based on historical facts, but empty shouts to bring down. In fact, the problem has been reversed, and it is no longer that a certain political system should be overthrown, that a certain society and economy should be transformed, but that the entire culture should be abandoned. It can be seen that the ideological theory, talking about this part, will involve other parts. It is impossible to draw conclusions without multi-faceted consideration and long-term verification.

General

I have talked about it five times above, and I would like to say a little more about the politics of China's past dynasties: from the Qin to the Qing Dynasty for two thousand years, we can't at least simply say that the traditional politics of the past is **** politics. To be fair and objectively speaking, in the past two thousand years, there have certainly been many valuable experiences in politics, but there have also been many malpractices. It has been constantly revised in the past, and it will naturally continue to be revised in the future. From the history of the past two thousand years, we can identify several major trends in traditional politics in the past. I would just like to highlight some of the trends that we think are not good. As for the good parts, let's leave them at that:

First, the central government has a tendency to gradually centralize power. This is good in a certain respect, a country should have a solidified center. Political progress, the natural centralization of power, and any country follows this path. At first, it was feudal, fragmented, and slowly became unified and centralized. However, from the Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, there has been a tendency to be too centralized. By the Song, Ming and Qing dynasties, especially the gradual centralization of power, the result was that local politics declined day by day. To this day, it has become a huge political problem in China. On this issue, Mr. Sun Yat-sen also mentioned that how we should build the new county government and how to improve the old provincial and regional system are really worthy of our careful study. When we know that China's political centralization and local decline, there has been a significant historical trend, and the period is not short. It is not a good phenomenon that local officials have lost their status day by day, and local politics has not improved day by day, and all politics belong to the central government. Although the central government has not been able to achieve a complete and stable reunification in the decades since the Republic of China, national reunification is an absolute political achievement that we should achieve. However, how to unify the country without being too biased towards centralization and to pay more attention to the improvement of local politics is the first thing we should strive for.

Second, it can be said that the traditional politics of Chinese history has caused all strata of society to tend to be equal day by day. China's traditional political policy of controlling capital was followed from the Han Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty. Other measures concerning the abolition of all privileges, with the exception of the tribal regimes of the Yuan and Qing dynasties, can be said to have always been valued. Therefore, feudal society was overthrown very early. The gates below the Eastern Han Dynasty also declined in the late Tang Dynasty. Since the Song Dynasty, Chinese society has created a flat society. The feudal aristocracy, dukes, earls and the like have long been abolished, officials cannot be hereditary, the political power is generally open, and anyone who meets the conditions of the examination can also enter the official career. This kind of tiled society also has its faults. If it is tiled, there is no power. In modern China, there have been two people who have talked about this matter: one is Gu Tinglin. He was a man from the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, and he wanted to make a revolution, but he deeply felt that society had no power and had nothing to rely on. He once ran to Shanxi and saw a match, the whole village was surnamed Pei, their ancestors were the gate in the Tang Dynasty, and they had been prime ministers for several times, until the end of the Ming Dynasty, there were still hundreds of thousands of families living together. When he saw such a village, he thought that society had to be feudal in order to have strength. The enemy from outside is coming, and even if the central government falls, society can still rise up everywhere to resist. But the feudalism he talked about was not about privileges, but about decentralization. The central authorities have long since distributed power to the localities, and if the central authorities collapse, the localities can still find a way. This is Gu Tinglin's painstaking efforts. The other is Mr. Sun Yat-sen. He wanted revolution, he went to foreign countries, and only combined some intellectuals, which was not enough strength. He saw that there were many gangs and secret societies in Chinese society, and he believed that this was a force in Chinese society that could be exploited. This kind of gang organization, naturally, cannot be said to be feudal, nor is it capitalist. Know that as long as there is organization, there is power. If we look at the West, a big factory with tens of millions of people, some political parties will try their best to stir up trouble and make trouble, and a strike can have a big impact. Because it's an organization, it's a force. Modern Chinese society has not been able to find these forces. People are all flat and scattered, so we can only use the student **** to march on the streets, and if we gather at random, there are hundreds of thousands of people, which can be regarded as strength. When the West moves from a feudal society to a capitalist society, it is only from the big landlords to the big manufacturers, and it is still able to grasp the masses. Under this grasp, it has formed a force. Traditional Chinese politics has always paid attention to the control of capital, and the feudal forces have been overthrown, and there is no concentration of capital, so the society has become a kind of flat society. If we want to talk about equality, the Chinese are the most equal. If you want to talk about freedom, the Chinese are also the most free. Mr. Sun Yat-sen could not have seen this situation more thoroughly. However, because it is too equal and free, it cannot have power. There is another key in equality, that is, who should be in charge of politics? The government is always on top. Social equality, who should climb up to become an official and take power? In traditional Chinese politics, only scholars are allowed to come out to ask about politics, and scholars can sit and watch after passing the examination. Most of the scholars came from the countryside, and even if he became an official, his children and grandchildren may not still be officials, so other families rose up again, and the poor and hard-working people came out again, and this method was good. However, over time, more and more people are studying and becoming officials, because the political power is open, and the intelligent and intelligent people in society want to take the road of becoming officials, and industry and commerce are looked down upon. Western society is not comprehensible, at first you were not allowed to be an official at all, but in fact, even if the feudal aristocracy was not an official, there was no so-called official. So the brilliant and intelligent people in society went to run the business and industry, and when they had their own strength, they combined with the struggle for power. This has shaped today's Western society. China has long rewarded scholars, and the so-called scholars are excellent, and smart people all read, and after reading books, they want to become officials, so Chinese politics shows a bloated problem. It's as if a person has too much useless fat on his body and becomes obese, which is not a good thing. But this phenomenon, to this day, still cannot be reversed.

Third, long-term peace and stability is what everyone wants, but intellectuals in this situation can only last for three generations at most. At first, a diligent and hard-working man came out and became prosperous, and his next generation soon became a gentleman. So there was another hard-working character in the family, and he raised his head again. We only look at the prime ministers of the Song and Ming dynasties, most of whom were born in poverty and uprooted from the ground. However, the world is peaceful, the emperor can be lineage for two or three hundred years, and the person who is the prime minister was still studying under the eaves of the poor countryside for the first ten years, but the emperor already has the tradition of the seventh, eighth and ninetieth generations. In contrast, the status and dignity of the emperor naturally improved day by day. The power of the royal family is always gradually rising, and the power of the government is always gradually increasing. This is also a major problem in traditional Chinese politics. Although this problem can be eliminated from now on, people who read history should still know this thing, so that they can have a more reasonable understanding of China's past politics.

Fourth, it is China's political system, which has been complicated day by day over time. When something goes wrong with one system, another system is put in place to prevent it, and some of them become more sick than sick. The more dense the system, the more constrained the talents. This trend, however, has given China's politics a sense that it is not as good as it used to be. Judging from historical facts fairly and objectively, Chinese politics has always been biased towards the rule of law, that is, institutionalization, while modern Western politics has placed more emphasis on the rule of man and on facts. Why? Because all their political systems are determined by elections, the majority party that is elected can decide everything. The legal system is decided by the majority opinion and changes with the majority opinion, so it is said that it attaches importance to people and facts. In our traditional politics, a system often remains unchanged for hundreds of years, and of course this is only said to be the rule of law, which is institutionalization. Under the rule of law, talent is shackled. Therefore, Huang Lizhou at the end of the Ming Dynasty wanted to say with indignation: "There is a rule of law, but there is no law." This is because the system has always been too complicated, so he attaches too little importance to the law and too much to people, and he wants to put forward this proposition. But Shangfa is not even ****, and in Chinese history, there are more and more people who have been pulled out of the flat ground, and there are fewer and fewer talents who can be freely displayed. In the future, if we cannot liberate ourselves from the red tape that binds people from this traditional habit, it will be difficult for politics to be expressed. As we said just now, there are too many people in Chinese society who want to be politicians and officials, but in addition to the complexity of these laws and regulations, they are heavily constrained, and this is the root cause of China's lack of political improvement.

Today, our politics has embarked on a new path, and it seems that the past events of the past can be ignored. In fact, this concept is still wrong. Although the disadvantages of traditional politics are history, they are also reality. The appearance has changed, but the essence has not changed, how can it not be carefully studied? Just as we mistook the political traditions of the past, everything should be overthrown, and indeed everything has been overthrown. At the same time, we have lost all our common respect and belief in all traditions and habits. Thousands of years of emperors were overthrown, and politics changed in a new way, but in any case, we had to seek the unity of the country first. If we want unification, we must centralize power. However, how to establish the prestige of the central authorities has become a major political issue since Xinhai. If we can't come up with something that is respected and trusted by the people of the whole country, we will find it difficult to do so. And isn't it more difficult to establish a central government and at the same time take care of the localities?

As we said above, Chinese society has long been an egalitarian society, so all the forces in this society are spread out and scattered, and it is very difficult to use them. Because it is tiled and scattered, it is also unorganized and does not solidify. Yet we are confronted with the same facts, and we often say two different things. On the one hand, we are a feudal society, and on the other hand, we are a plate of loose sand. I don't know if it's feudal, it won't be like scattered sand. If it is said to be a plate of loose sand, it proves that it is not feudal. But in the future, if we do not follow the path of Western capitalism, then how can we use our future New Deal to make society have a new point of common respect and trust and reunite towards this center? This is again an extremely important matter in politics today.

Now the royal family is pushing the dao, the emperor is gone, we only say that the sovereignty of politics lies in the people, and now is the era of civil rights. But in reality, how can China's 450 million people really manipulate this regime? Mr. Sun Yat-sen said: These 450 million people are Liu Adou, and this statement is no longer correct, so he advocates the separation of political power and power. Mr. Sun is not a person who reads dead books, and his words are not copied by any West. The government should belong to the people, but it is not, and it cannot be, and it must be directly in the hands of the whole people. Theoretically, the state power of course lies with the people, and the opinions of the people should be taken as opinions. But the people's opinion is an empty word. How do you express the opinion of this people? Today, the majority of the Chinese people still rely on the government to pay attention to education and leadership, so how can they intervene in politics? However, a country must always have an unshakable center, that is, like the current Japan, they have shaken the dignity of the emperor, the traditional center of history, and the society will also be shaken in an emergency, what do they use to fill in and maintain? This will also be a problem for them. China will also encounter this problem, and it has already encountered it.

I'm going to make one final point. In China's future, how to simplify various social and political systems so that people can develop freely is the most crucial thing. But it's not like pushing the DAO and everything can be successful. The important thing is not to push the dao, but to establish, we say, we want to establish the rule of law, and now our clerical system has so many levels and many successes that people cannot turn around as soon as they run into this trap. Coupled with the word democracy, it seems that everything has to be discussed collectively, so in addition to the transfer of documents, the meeting is busy. As it stands, meetings and the transfer of documents are sufficient to prevent everyone from showing political talent. We say every day that our Fa is not enough, but in fact, what is not enough is not in the Fa, but in Cai. It's not that we don't have talent, it's that we can't really show it in our Dharma. In an era, there is always an era of talents, and there is always an era of legal system. Talent has no performance, so there is chaos. If the legal system is used to restrain people so that everyone does not get their talents to the fullest, it will inevitably cause chaos. It is of course the responsibility of our generation to learn how we will adopt the new trends of the West and how to use our old experience to open a way out for ourselves, to innovate and develop and to bring in new talents. Politics is indeed a troublesome matter, and in recent history, only British politics has supported it for hundreds of years, and in addition, it has collapsed in a few decades and a hundred years. We can't look at other people's homes and learn from others. People's laws and regulations are also not beneficial and disadvantageous. But everyone is creating and legislating, and they realize that if there is a problem, they can change it. We are bent on imitating plagiarism, and we have no so-called consciousness. Britain's politics can be more durable, but we are a continental country, a vast land, they are an island country, the country is small and the people are widowed, how can we learn from him completely? The United States is separated from the United Kingdom, and it is no longer all the United Kingdom. France also has a long tradition of politics, but it is no longer possible at this time. Moreover, Germany, Italy, and Japan, we can say that they do not have reliable political experience. If we were to say it more boldly, we could also say that the political experience of Westerners as a whole is relatively shallow. Only Chinese can say this. It is a historical fact that China's politics has advanced before that of the West, not a national exaggeration. This sentence has only been said by Mr. Sun Yat-sen. Today, we want to oppose China's own traditions and want to erase our own 2,000 years of history, but history has become history, how can we erase it with one stroke? Other people's own histories have their own histories, so how can we insert ourselves into the historical traditions of other people's homes? This again involves a whole cultural issue. When it comes to this, it is very complicated. I don't dare to talk about theory here, I can only talk about history. At present, the British philosopher Russell once said: When talking about philosophy, people can be called not arbitrary. Because things are too complicated, the pros and cons have been seen for a long time, and they are all laid out in history. If you know the history, you can know that there are many problems in it. Everything is not a happy thing to say in one sentence. History is ultimately an objective fact, and there is nothing wrong with history, but what is wrong is that we do not pay attention to history and do not take history as a reference. At least when we talk about everything in the humanities, we shouldn't be ignorant of history. Politics is also a subject in the humanities, and it is not necessary for us to go back and look at the past history and look at it again.

Champ Mu Chronology

1900 At the age of seven, he entered a private school

1903 At the age of ten, he entered Guoyu Primary School

1905 At the age of twelve, his father died

1906 At the age of thirteen, he entered Changzhou Middle School

1910 At the age of seventeen, he was transferred to the private Zhongying Middle School in Nanjing, which coincided with the Wuchang Uprising, and the school was closed and he dropped out

1911 At the age of eighteen, he taught at Wuxi Sanjian Primary School, which was the beginning of his teaching career

1918 At the age of twenty-four, he taught at Hongmo School, the former Guoyu Primary School, and published "On the Interpretation of Language"

In 1919, at the age of twenty-five, he was appointed as the principal of the junior high school in Taibo City

1922 At the age of twenty-eight, he went to Xiamen to teach at Jimei School, where he began his career as a middle school teacher

1923 At the age of twenty-nine, he taught at the Third Normal School in Wuxi, Jiangsu Province

In 1927, at the age of three, he was transferred to teach at Suzhou Middle School

1928 At the age of four, his wife, son, and brother died three times in a row

In 1930, at the age of six, he published the "Annals of Liu Xiang and Xin Father and Son", and later taught at Yenching University in Beijing

In 1931, at the age of seven, he taught at the Department of History of Peking University, and also taught at Tsinghua University, Yenching University, and Beijing Normal University

1935 At the age of 41, published "The Year of the Pre-Qin Princes"

1937 At the age of four or three, he moved south with the political situation and became a professor at Southwest Associated University

1939 At the age of four or five, the "Outline of National History" was undrafted and returned to Suzhou to serve his mother

In 1941, at the age of four or seven, he went to Chengdu to teach at the Institute of Chinese Studies of Qilu University and Wuhan University

1943 At the age of 49, he taught at West China University and Sichuan University

1944 At the age of 50, he wrote an article entitled "Precedent for Young Men to Join the Army in Chinese History", calling on intellectuals to devote themselves to writing and joining the army

In 1946, at the age of 52, he went to Kunming to teach at Wuhua College and Yunnan University

1948 At the age of 54, he served as the dean of the School of Literature of Jiangnan University in Wuxi, and wrote "Idle Thoughts on the Lake" after class

1949 At the age of 55, he went to Hong Kong to serve as the dean of the Asian Academy of Commerce

1950 At the age of five or six, he founded New Asia College and was invited to give a lecture in Taiwan

1951 At the age of five or seven, he was delayed in Taiwan for several months in preparation for the establishment of the Taiwan branch of New Asia College, but to no avail.

1952 At the age of five or eight In April, he gave a speech at the Screaming Hall of Tamkang College of Arts and Sciences, and was sent to the hospital after a fall of mud on the roof hit his head and fainted.

1955 At the age of 61, the New Asia Research Institute was established, and the "Ministry of Education" awarded the academic medal to the University of Hong Kong with an honorary doctorate

1956 At the age of 62, the New Asia College Farm Road Campus was completed in the summer, and she married Ms. Wu Meiqi in Kowloon for the beginning of its own school building

1957 At the age of 63, New Asia College added the Art Major

1960 At the age of six or six, he went to Yale University to give a lecture and wrote "A New Interpretation of the Analects" in his spare time

1961 At the age of six or seven, the Faculty of Science of New Asia College was established

1963 At the age of 69, Chinese University of Hong Kong was established, and he resigned as President of New Asia College

1965 At the age of 71, he stepped down as the Head of New Asia College and left Hong Kong to give a lecture at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur

In 1967, at the age of seventy-three, he moved to Taipei in October

In 1968, at the age of 74, he moved to Sushulou and was elected as an academician of the "Academia Sinica".

In 1969, at the age of 75, he was appointed as a professor at the Institute of History of the Chinese Culture Academy and a researcher at the Palace Museum

1974 Eighty years old Wrote "Eighty Memories of Parents"

1976 Eighty-two years old is the winter of the year, stomach disease play, almost incurable

1978 At the age of 84, he was often ill and could not see, so he went to Hong Kong to serve as the keynote speaker of the "Mr. Qian Binsi Academic and Cultural Lecture" of New Asia College.

1979 At the age of 85, he went to Hong Kong to attend the 30th anniversary of New Asia

1980 At the age of 86, he and his three sons and young daughters met in Hong Kong, and they had not seen each other for two years, and they had to get together for seven days

1981 At the age of 87, he met with his eldest daughter and eldest nephew in Hong Kong, and his five children met separately within two years

1984 At the age of 90, he was awarded the Cultural Medal of the Executive Yuan

1986 Age 92 Gave his last lecture to students at the Institute of History, Culturea University

1988 At the age of 94, he taught at home until he was a year off

1989 At the age of 95, he went to Hong Kong to attend the 40th anniversary of New Asia

1990 At the age of 96, he moved out of Sushulou on June 1 and died in his apartment on Hangzhou South Road on August 3

1992 Buried on the shore of Taihu Lake in Suzhou

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Biography of Mr. Qian Mu

Mr. Qian Mu was born in Wuxi, Jiangsu Province on the ninth day of the sixth month of the 21st year of Guangxu of the Qing Dynasty (1895) (July 30 of the Gregorian calendar) and died in Taipei on August 30, 1990 at the age of 96. This century-old man is world-renowned for his erudition and writings, and is a rare master of Chinese studies, a famous historian, thinker, and educator in China in this century.

Mr. Qian's original name was En, the word Bin Si, and the Min Yuan (1912) changed his name to Mu. The Qian family lives in Xiaoaojing Qifangqiao Village, Nanyanxiang Township, Wuxi County, Jiangsu Province. The seven-room bridge is named after the seven rooms of the Qian family. Qian Mu's great-grandfather Xiuping was a national student, and his grandfather Ju Ru was a student. Grandfather ruled the Five Classics and the "Historical Records". Mu's father Chengpei, the word Jichen, had the reputation of a prodigy when he was young, at the age of 16, he took the county exam, and won the first place in the examination. Mother Cai's family, known as Shude in the township. Qian Mu has a brother, a sister and two brothers.

Qian Mu entered a private school at the age of seven and entered the private Guoyu Primary School in Dangkou Town, Wuxi at the age of ten. In the past four years, he has been inspired and benefited a lot by the national spirit and humanistic qualities of his mentors such as Qian Bogui, Hua Qianshuo, Hua Zixiang, Hua Shan, and Gu Zizhong. Qian Mu was bereaved by his father when he was twelve years old, and his family stood on the wall, relying on the pension of his own clan Huaihai Yizhuang for a living. At the age of thirteen, he was admitted to Changzhou Mansion Middle School and was deeply loved by the principal (then known as the superintendent) Tu Xiaokuan. The teachings of history and geography teacher Lu Simian had a great influence on Qian Mu. In the winter of 1910, Qian Mu dropped out of school for some reason, and transferred to Nanjing Zhongying Middle School the following spring. After the outbreak of the Xinhai Revolution, the school was forced to dissolve, and Qian Mu dropped out of school and returned to his hometown, ending his student days and starting a career as a teacher in the countryside.

In 1912, at the age of eighteen, Qian Mu taught at the Qinjia Shuiqu Sanji Primary School. In the following year, he taught Hongmo Primary School (formerly known as Guoyu Primary School), teaching Chinese language, history and geography courses in the upper primary school. He studied Mencius, Shiji, and Mao Dake's Four Books to Correct Mistakes, and also liked to read Oriental Magazine and Yan Translation. When Qian Mu regretted that he did not go to university, he saw the enrollment advertisement of Peking University saying that applicants must first read Zhang Xuecheng's "General Principles of Literature and History", that is, ask him to read his book. He also read Xia Zengyou's "Textbook of Chinese History", which he read very diligently because it was a textbook at Peking University. He later wrote The Chronology of the Sons of the Pre-Qin Dynasty and revised the Chronology of the Six Kingdoms, which was inspired by the Xia Shu.

In the summer of 1914, Qian Mu taught at the No. 4 Higher Primary School in Wuxi County, Meicun Town, and also served as a teacher at Hongmo Primary School. A year later, he taught exclusively in the county's No. 4 High School. In addition to his busy teaching work, he insisted on reading and imitated the ancients who "read the scriptures in the first day and read history in the soft day". Qian Mu taught the "Analects" class, and happened to be reading "Ma's Wentong", that is, he imitated his example of syntax and became "Analects of Chinese Interpretation". The book was published by the Shanghai Commercial Press in 1918 and was Qian's first book. I read "Mozi" again, and found many false errors, which became "Reading Mozi and Solution". After inquiring about Sun Yi's "Mozi Verse", he knew that he was lonely, so he read it carefully in Sun Shu, and since then he has paid attention to the study of the Qing Dynasty. Qian Mu was able to read Yan's translation of "Muller's Famous Studies", so he rewrote the unfinished comfort of Sun's interpretation of the "Book of Ink" one by one and became "The Book of Ink". In the autumn of 1917, Qian Mu got married. 1918 was the most dedicated and diligent year for Qian Mu to study and meditate. In the autumn of 1919, Qian Mu served as the principal of the No. 1 Elementary School in Taibo City, Houzhai Town, at the age of 25. Influenced by Dewey's educational ideas, he hoped to reform the teaching method by contacting young children, and to try the advantages and disadvantages of vernacular literature for young children's initial learning. During this period, he obtained a lithograph of Kang Youwei's "Xinxue Pseudo-scripture Examination", which was the Zhang book of "Liu Xiangxin's Father and Son's Yearbook" that he wrote later.

In the autumn of 1922, Qian Mu resigned as the principal of Houzhai Elementary School and the head of the library of Taber City, and went to teach at the first higher elementary school in the county. In less than a month, he was hired by the provost of Shi Zhimian to serve as a Chinese language teacher in the graduating class of the high school and the normal department of Xiamen Jimei School. In 1923, Mr. Qian Jibo, senior professor of the Third Normal School of Jiangsu Province in Wuxi, recommended Qian Mu to teach at the same school. In the old school practice, Chinese language teachers were promoted with the class, and in addition to the first subject of Chinese language, a separate course was held every year (from the first to the fourth year, philology, "Analects", "Mencius", and "Introduction to Chinese Studies" were taught respectively, and the teachers compiled their own lecture notes). Qian's "Six Books of Great Righteousness", "Analects of Confucius", "Mencius", and "Introduction to Chinese Studies" were compiled in Si, and the latter three were all published.

In the autumn of 1927, Qian Mu taught at Suzhou Provincial Middle School, serving as the highest class Chinese language teacher and class teacher, and the head teacher of the school's Chinese language course. In the spring of 1928, he composed "Mozi" and "Wang Shouren" for the "Wanyou Library" of the Commercial Press. In the summer and autumn of that year, Qian Mu's original wife and newborn baby passed away one after another. His eldest brother, Mr. Shengyi, rushed home to help take care of the aftermath, but due to the transition of strain, the old illness suddenly occurred, and unfortunately he also died of illness. Within two months, he suffered three mournings in a row.

During his time in Suzhou Middle School, Qian Mu's main extracurricular research work was to write the "Year of the Pre-Qin Zhuzi Lineage". In 1929, Qian Mu and Zhang Yi married. In the same year, Gu Jiegang and Hu Shi came to Suzhong to give speeches one after another, and Qian Mu was able to intersect with Gu and Hu. Gu Jiegang read the first draft of "Department Year" and suggested that Qian teach history at the university, and recommended it to Sun Yat-sen University. Although Qian was hired by the Central Committee, Wang Maozu, the principal of the Soviet Central School, begged Qian to stay for another year, but to no avail. Qian and Meng Wentong once communicated with each other. In 1930, Meng Wentong gave a lecture in Nanjing, and came to Suzhou to meet Qian and talk for a few days. Meng Wentong praised Qian's "Year of the System" as comparable to the treatises of Gu Xianglin's predecessors, and believed that "since Qianjia, there are few matches".

Thanks to Gu Jiegang's recommendation, in the fall of 1930, Qian Mu was able to become a lecturer at Yenching University in Beiping, teaching Mandarin at the age of Chinese New Year's Eve. This was the beginning of his decades-long career as a university teacher. It was autumn, which coincided with the publication of the seventh issue of the Yenching Journal, which published Qian Mu's article "Annals of Liu Xiangxin and his Sons", which was also commissioned by Gu Jiegang a year earlier. It is an article that refutes Kang Youwei's "Xinxue Pseudo-scripture Examination" inheriting Liu Fenglu's untrue words about Liu Xin's forgery of the scriptures "Spring and Autumn Zuo Biography", and lists 28 things, which are conclusive, detailed and credible. This article has been published, Xuelin is convinced, and Hu Shi said that "Qian Pu is a great work, and the opinions and styles are good".

In the summer of 1931, Qian Mushi was hired as an associate professor at Peking University, and Tsinghua University was also invited to teach part-time. At Peking University, he taught compulsory courses "Ancient Chinese History" and "Qin and Han History", and opened an elective course "Academic History of China in the Past 300 Years". Peking University gives lectures freely, and the professors of the Department of History offer as many as eight courses on ancient history at the same time, with different interests. Therefore, Qian Mu said that "at that time, he was in class at Peking University, almost in the debate arena". The northern style of learning is strong, and the professor's lecture notes are booked by people inside and outside the school to the lecture room, and often the lecturer has not lectured and the lecture notes have been circulated outside the school for discussion.

The following year, Peking University professor Qian Mu offered an elective course "History of China's Political System". At that time, the head of the history department believed that the politics of China below the Qin Dynasty were only monarchs, and now it has been changed to the Republic of China, and there is no need to study the previous political system. Qian Mu believes that the study of history should know how politics was **** in the past. At that time, the dean of the law school, Chow Binglin, encouraged all students in the Department of Political Science to take this course. Later, students from the Department of History also came to audit. In the autumn of 1933, Fu Sinian and his colleagues gathered to discuss the urgency of the national crisis, and to compile and publish a textbook of China's general history full of national consciousness, so as to awaken the national soul and save the country. The general history course of Peking University has always invited famous scholars in the Beijing historical circles to jointly serve as chairs, and Qian Mu also gave a lecture. He believed that the general history course was taught by many people, and that it was not coherent, and that the significance of the general history was lost, so he proposed that one person should teach it alone, and it should be taught throughout. After the general history class, it was changed to Qian Mu alone, and the lecture was completed in one academic year without interruption. The school has a special teaching assistant for him. This class is a compulsory course for freshmen in the Faculty of Arts, with senior students and students from other institutions auditing, and nearly 300 people in each class are full. The students listened to Mr. Qian's class and were very excited. At this time, his courses at Peking University were changed to three courses: Ancient History, Qin and Han History, and General History. At Peking University back then, the most popular professor in the class was said to have two people, three people, and Mr. Qian in both of them, and only Hu Shi was comparable to Mr. Qian.

Compared with teaching in middle school in the past, Qian Mu had a lot of spare time and a stable life during his time at Peking University. Taking advantage of the convenience of borrowing and purchasing books and materials in Beijing and the exchange of knowledge among scholars, he devoted himself to revising and supplementing the "Year of the Pre-Qin Zhuzi", which was completed in the autumn of 1933 and published by the Commercial Press at the end of 1935. The whole manuscript contains more than 160 special articles for examination, four articles for general examination, and three attached tables. The predecessors have studied the years of the princes, mostly based on the "Chronology of the Six Kingdoms" in the "Historical Records", but the "Chronology of the Six Kingdoms" has many errors. Qian Mu studied the "Bamboo Book Chronicle" of Ji Mound to determine the errors in its current hand-me-down, and then used this to correct the falsifications in the "Historical Records" and the contradiction of the annotations. The historical materials of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period have always been difficult to examine, and Qian Mu's great work enables readers to have a clear understanding of the complex academic and political history of the pre-Qin period. This is one of Qian Mu's profound masterpieces. The academic community spoke highly of this masterpiece, and Chen Yinke praised the book as "extremely exquisite", and "the mistake of ordering the "Historical Records" according to the "Chronicles" has a lot of experience, which can be admired.

In May 1937, Qian Mu's other masterpiece "The Academic History of China in the Past 300 Years" was published by the Commercial Press. This is a revision by the author on the basis of the lecture notes of Peking University. The book criticizes the views of modern scholars who oppose Sinology and Song Studies, pointing out that if you do not understand Song Studies, you cannot know Sinology, let alone comment on the rights and wrongs of Han and Song Studies. He traced the origins of Qing Dynasty scholarship back to the three major Confucians of Gu Yanwu, Huang Zongxi, and Wang Chuanshan in the early Qing Dynasty, and even Song studies, and pointed out that the Qing Dynasty sinology was closely related to Song Dynasty scholarship. Gu, Huang, and Wang Kai of the Qing Dynasty, Han and Song dynasties, among which there are negotiations, and there are solitary going. Another feature of the book is that it focuses on the main idea of each representative figure, and points out the intentions of scholars to control chaos in the world. In the past, scholars only emphasized the examination of the Qing Dynasty scholarship, but Qian Mu not only emphasized the examination of the evidence, but also emphasized the application of righteousness and the ultimate belief. In particular, the author writes in "IX. 18. This course was taught after the "18th Incident" in order to express national consciousness and patriotic fervor, and to criticize specious theories such as total Westernization. Mr. Yang Shuda praised this book as a "good book" and affirmed that the author "pays attention to practice" and "strictly guards against summer".

Seven years before the Anti-Japanese War, he taught at Peking University, and also taught at Tsinghua University, Yan University, Normal University and other schools. At that time, Peking was full of humanities, and Qian Mu was fortunate to meet many scholars. In addition to Gu Jiegang, Meng Wentong, and Hu Shiqian, who had already met in Suzhou, the new friends included Tang Yongtong, Xiong Shili, Liang Shuming, Lin Zaiping, Feng Youlan, Chen Yinke, Wu Mi, He Lin, Zhang Yinlin, Zhang Mengqi, Zhang Dongsun, Wu Chengshi, Chen Yuan, Meng Sen, Ma Heng, Fu Sinian, Xiao Gongquan, Liu Wendian, Yang Shuda, Yu Jiaxi, Wen Yiduo, Zhou Binglin, Rong Geng, Rong Zhaozu, Xiang Da, Wu Qichang, He Changqun, and Miao Fenglin and Zhang Qiyun, who came from Nanjing. And Gu, Tang, Meng and Qian have the most friendship. These scholars have their own strengths, and although the world situation is difficult, they are all able to bury their heads in books and succeed in their studies. During this period, Qian Mu often went to Liulichang and Longfu Temple to visit his hometown, which he claimed to be a great pleasure in his life. The salaries earned, except for the vegetable rice, are exhausted here. He successively purchased 50,000 books, and there were many secret notes, but unfortunately he was unable to move them after the "77" incident, so they were scattered.

In July 1937, the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression broke out. Soon, the Faculty of Arts of Peking University moved to Nanyue. In October, Qian Mu, Tang Yongtong, He Lin and others traveled by sea to Hong Kong, and arrived in Nanyue via Guangzhou and Changsha. Qian Mu often went to the Nanyue City Library at the foot of the mountain to read the collections of the Song and Ming dynasties. At one time, Qian shared a room with Wu Mi, Wen Yiduo, and Shen Youding. Feng Youlan sent the manuscript of "New Science" to Qian Mu for review and criticism. The school moved to Kunming, which was a team through Guilin and Nanning, and then transferred to Kunming through Zhennanguan, and then to Mengzi. My colleague Chen Mengjia once chose to read Qian Mu's general history course, and urged the official publication of the general history textbook to meet the needs of the times and young people. The School of Literature and Literature was relocated to Kunming, and Qian Mu borrowed a villa in Yanquanxia Temple in Beishan, Yiliang, and later moved to the temple to write the "Outline of National History". He taught the general history course in Beiping for four years and twice after moving to Kunming. Every Thursday and Saturday evening, the large classrooms with more than 200 seats are crowded, and students from inside and outside the school sit on the ground, or lean against the wall, or according to the window sill, or lean out of the window. The Chinese people's national consciousness is high, coupled with Qian Mu's profound education, outstanding historical knowledge, quick thinking, good at giving speeches, and strong appeal, so the speaker and listener are easy to resonate, and it is very popular.

In the summer of 1939, Qian Mu brought the manuscript of "Outline of National History" to the Hong Kong Communications Commercial Press. At that time, it was stipulated that books and works could only be published after being reviewed by the government. Books like Qian Mu must be reviewed and revised according to the instructions before they can be submitted for further examination. Qian Mu insisted on his opinion, and finally after several setbacks, it was published according to the original manuscript in June 1940. The introduction to the book was highly regarded by Xuelin as a "great article of modern times". The introduction points out that Chinese traditional culture, politics, society, and academic thought have their own independent development system, which is different from the development process of Western culture. He advocated absorbing and integrating the new spirit of culture from all over the world in order to seek change and innovation, but at the same time, he was committed to exploring the uniqueness of the Chinese cultural system and had extremely firm confidence in the vitality of Chinese culture. He is committed to rebuilding the Chinese humanistic spirit, rebuilding the Chinese's feelings for the Chinese nation and respect for Chinese history, firmly believing that the driving force and prospect of China's cultural adjustment and renewal must come from the internal cultural system of the ancestors, hoping to "find its unique spirit within the country and the nation" as "the source of the eternal life of the country and the nation". Qian Mu bitterly warned: The Chinese people are too lazy to explore the true meaning of national history, and if they insist on wantonly destroying and lightly talking about reform according to the opinions of others, they will reap the consequences. The book is divided into eight parts and 46 chapters, with a total of more than 500,000 words, and runs through the whole book with national cultural awareness. The chapter titles are full of historical wisdom and creativity. "The Rise of Folk Liberal Scholarship in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period", "The Evolution of the Western Han Dynasty Government", "The New Status of the Eastern Han Dynasty", "The Sect of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties", "Tian System", "Military System", "Religion", "Political Institutions and Social Conditions in the Tang Dynasty", "The Consciousness of the Northern Song Dynasty Scholars and the Reform Movement", and "The Economic and Cultural Transfer of the North and South below the Tang Dynasty" are the most intelligible. Qian Mu's research on historical issues has penetrated into the inside, from small to large, from point to line to surface. For example, he was able to adjust the rents from the Western Jin Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty, from the rents to the two tax laws, and to reflect his Spring and Autumn penmanship and historiography spirit in every subtle detail that others were inadvertently aware of. Many of Qian Mu's assertions are very enlightening and can make readers draw inferences from others. For example, on the general trend of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period: "The culturally advanced countries are combined one by one, and the culturally backward countries are conquered one by one; At the same time, the culturally backward countries, although they conquered the advanced countries one after another, were also assimilated by the advanced countries one by one. Before and after the conquest, such as the Shang annihilation of the Xia, the Zhou annihilation of the Shang, the southern invasion of the Northern Wei Dynasty, the Liaojin invasion of the Song Dynasty, the Qing Dynasty's annihilation of the Ming Dynasty, etc., it is not uncommon for the conquerors to be culturally conquered and assimilated, and in the process, the territory of China has continued to expand, and the culture has also been continuously integrated and unified. In short, the "Outline of National History" is quite insightful and insightful, and the list is endless. After the book was published, it became popular throughout the country and became a common history textbook in all universities, greatly encouraging the vast number of young students and arousing their enthusiasm for resisting Japan and saving the country.

In the summer of 1939, Qian Mu returned to Suzhou via Hong Kong and Shanghai to serve his mother, and his wife Zhang Yiyi also led her children home from Beiping. Mr. Qian changed his name and chose to live in a secluded place in the Coupling Garden, except for the time when he went to Shanghai to meet Lu Simian, Du Men did not come out. At this time, he learned English, read the history of the world written by the United States, and wrote the "Historical Records and Geographical Names Examination". The genre of the book is different, the words are concise and concise, and the names of the places in the whole book of "Historical Records" are examined one by one. Before Qian Mu left Kunming, Gu Jiegang had negotiated with the Harvard-Yenching Institute to establish a research institute of Chinese studies at Qilu University, which had moved to Chengdu, and invited Qian to start it with him. In the summer and autumn of 1940, Qian Mu left home and entered Sichuan, passed through Chongqing, and went to Chengdu in October to take up his post. During this period, the students of the History Department of Wuhan University, which had been relocated to Jiading, felt that there was a shortage of teachers, and the president, Wang Xinggong, sent a special letter to Mr. Qian and was allowed to give a lecture for one month. In March 1941, he visited the school and taught two courses: the history of China's political system and the history of the Qin and Han dynasties. During his stay in Jia, he was invited by Ma Yifu to lecture on political issues in Chinese history at the Fuxing Academy of Wuyou Temple on the other side of the Minjiang River. The Institute of Chinese Studies of Qilu University is located in Laijia Garden, Chongyi Bridge, northwest suburb of Chengdu, which is secluded and quiet, which is a good place for reading. There are more than 10 researchers and assistants, each of whom is studying. During the reign of Qian Mu, lectures were held every Saturday and trips were made every month, and teachers and students exchanged and discussed with each other, which was a great inspiration to the students. At that time, Qian Mu was invited by Shangfeng and the Ministry of Education to devote himself to writing "The Case of Qing Confucianism". It is the most detailed book in Guan Xue, such as Li Erqu, according to his actions to write a new year score, showing the spirit of Erqu's life. There are also seven sons of Ningdu, Jiangxi, who are selected to discuss with each other the problems of "The Mean" that have not been released, and narrate them in a coherent manner. The book is about 400,000 to 500,000 words. It is a pity that the original manuscript fell into the Yangtze River during the demobilization of the Ministry of Education, and only the preface survives. The preface was published in Book Quarterly. Another work he wrote at that time was "Introduction to the History of Chinese Culture", which was successively published in "Thought and Times" founded by Zhang Qiyun and Xie Youwei. The "Introduction" is to further and systematically give full play to the cultural consciousness marked in the "Outline of National History" and the various links that lead to it. Starting from the comparison between China and the West, the book discusses in detail the process of the generation, development and evolution of Chinese culture, and reveals the inner spirit of Chinese culture and its unique development law. At that time, Qian Mu's articles published in "Thought and Times", except for the "Introduction", were also related to Chinese culture, and most of them were Song and Ming Dynasty science. This is a new change in Qian Mu's thinking and writing since he entered Shu. While Qian Mu was teaching at Qilu University, he also taught at West China University. In the autumn of 1943, the Qilu Institute of Sinology was discontinued, and Qian was invited to teach at West China University and Sichuan University. Shi Qiu, Feng Youlan, Xiao Gongquan and others were invited to give lectures at the Chongqing Advanced Training School, and after they suffered from stomach problems in Chongqing, their condition worsened and they recuperated according to the doctor's instructions. At this time, he quietly read "Zhuzi Language", and then moved to Lingyanshan Temple in Guan County to read "Zhiyue Lu". After studying, he gained a deeper understanding of the evolution of Zen Buddhism in the Tang Dynasty and its eventual conversion to the Song and Ming dynasties.

In 1945, the Anti-Japanese War was won. The following year, Qian Mudong returned to his hometown and wrote books behind closed doors. He was invited to give a lecture in Changshu. In October of that year, he was invited to teach at Wuhua Academy in Kunming, and also served as a teacher at Yunnan University. The teaching focuses on the history of Chinese thought. At this time, Qian Mu studied the works of the Song, Yuan, and Ming Zen masters and the new Taoism of the Jin and Yuan dynasties in the provincial library. In the spring of 1948, Qian returned to the east and was hired by Jiangnan University, which was founded by the Rong family, a wealthy businessman in Wuxi, as the dean of the Faculty of Arts. Mr. Tang Junyi was also in school, and this was the beginning of the relationship between the two gentlemen. The school building is newly built, on the slope of Taihu Lake outside the west gate of the county, and the scenery is excellent. Qian Mu often hired a small boat, rippling in the lake, and wrote the book "Idle Thoughts on the Lake". At that time, he also wrote the book "Zhuangzi Compilation", which collected the old theories of the predecessors and became a family dialect, which is an important work for the study of Zhuangzi in modern times.

During the spring break of 1949, Qian Mu and Tang Junyi were hired by the private Huaqiao University in Guangzhou and went to Guangzhou together from Shanghai. In Guangzhou, the two of them went to Huang Genyong's house in Hualong Township, Panyu to visit Xiong Shili. One day, he met Zhang Qiyun on the street, and Yun planned to set up a school in Hong Kong, and insisted on inviting Xie Youwei and Cui Shuqin to participate in his affairs. When he arrived in Hong Kong, Zhang Qiyun went to Taiwan in advance, and Xie Youwei and others continued to prepare for the establishment of the school, which was named the Asian Academy of Literature and Commerce, and Qian Mu was appointed as the dean. Later, because Xie Youwei went to Nanyang for business, Cui Shuqin went to Taiwan, and invited Tang Junyi and Zhang Pijie to work together. The Asian Academy opened in October 1949 with evening classes. In the autumn of 1950, New Asia College was rebuilt and moved to Kweilin Street, Sham Shui, Kowloon, where classes were held during the day. The purpose of the academy is: "the spirit of lectures in the Song and Ming Dynasty Academy, and the adoption of the Western European tutor system, with humanistic education as the purpose, to communicate the world's Eastern and Western cultures". New Asia completes the character center with each course, and teaches each course with the character center. The college initially established four departments of literature and history, philosophy and education, economics and commerce, and later expanded to 12 departments of the three colleges of arts, science and commerce. At the time of its establishment, the conditions were very difficult, and most of the teachers and students were mainland people who went to Hong Kong. Mr. Qian, Tang and Zhang inspired themselves with humanistic ideals and influenced their colleagues and students, and worked hard to establish New Asia, which was also supported by many colleagues. In addition to Qian, Tang, and Zhang in the early days, the professors later included Zhao Bing, Wu Junsheng, Ren Tai, Liu Baimin, Luo Xianglin, Zhang Weihan, Liang Hancao, Wei Tingsheng, Chen Bozhuang, Cheng Zhaoxiong, Yang Rumei, etc., and some of them fulfilled their obligations and did not receive remuneration. The school was originally funded by Wang Yuefeng, a Shanghai businessman, but Wang's financial strength was limited. In order to raise funds, in the winter of 1950, Qian Mu went to Taipei and was received by Chiang Chung-zheng, who instructed his "presidential palace" to allocate 3,000 Hong Kong dollars per month for temporary use. During his stay in Taiwan, Qian Mu gave lectures on "The Righteousness of Cultural Studies" and "The Spirit of Chinese History" at various schools and institutions, which were later compiled and published. The "Ten Treatises on Life" is also an expansion of the speeches of various schools. In the autumn of 1951, he wrote "History of Chinese Thought". In the spring of the following year, at the invitation of the Strategic Advisory Committee of Taiwan's "Presidential Office," he gave a lecture on "China's Political Gains and Losses in Past Dynasties," which was later published and was valued by the academic circles. On April 16 of the same year, at the invitation of Zhu Jiahua, he gave a speech in the newly built auditorium of Tamkang University.

With its cultural ideals and spirit of hard work, New Asia College has cultivated a group of high-quality talents, which have attracted the attention, sympathy and respect of all sectors of Hong Kong society, and have gradually gained international recognition and support. From 1952 to 1953, Asia Society representative Jameslvy volunteered to fund the project, followed by Yale University professor Harry Rudin representing Yale-China in an agreement with New Asia to grant $25,000 a year. Mr. Qian frankly told him that even if he received the funding, it would not change the school's mission and turn it into a church school, and Yale-China said that he would never interfere in the school's governance. Immediately rented a new school building on Kalam Side Road. Soon after, the Ford Foundation of the United States donated to build a school building on Farm Road, which was allocated by the Hong Kong government. New Asia began to build its own school building six years after its establishment. In the spring of 1955, he received funding from the Harvard-Yenching Society, and had special funds to purchase books, build a large library, and publish the New Asia Journal. Mr. Qian set up a school to promote Chinese culture, and although he received funding from various sources in the United States, he hung a portrait of Confucius on the school with the aim of Confucian educational ideals. As a sign of respect, the Hong Kong government honored him by conferring an honorary doctorate on him at the 1955 graduation ceremony of the University of Hong Kong.

After Qian Mu went to Hong Kong, his successor Zhang and his children stayed in the mainland. The Qian family lives alone and has no couple, and their lives are difficult. In the spring of 1956, he married Hu Meiqi and began to have a stable life. Hu Shi went to Nanchang, Jiangxi Province, studied at Xiamen University and New Asia College, and later went to Taiwan to work at the Taichung Normal Library. Qian Mu was injured in a speech in Taiwan and went to Taichung to recuperate, Hu took time to accompany him every day, and then fell into love, and later graduated from Taipei Normal University, and came back to Hong Kong.

At the beginning of 1960, Qian Mu went abroad to give lectures, and successively lectured and lectured at Yale University and Harvard University in the United States. At the end of his lecture, he was awarded an honorary doctorate at Yale University. Later, he went to Columbia University to give a lecture for the "Ding Long Lecture". After a seven-month stay in the United States, he was invited to visit the United Kingdom, visiting Oxford and Cambridge universities. From England to France, Italy, and finally back to Hong Kong.

In October 1963, the Hong Kong government gathered Chung Chi, United and New Asia Three Colleges to establish the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Qian Mu had long planned to get out of his administrative position. New Asia has grown from scratch, from small to large, has a certain scale, and joined the Chinese University of Chinese. Qian Munai submitted his resignation to the board of directors, but it was not approved, and he resigned again the following year, and the board recommended that he take a leave of absence for one year before stepping down. In the past 16 years, Mr. Qian has put in so much energy to run New Asia! In addition to his busy administrative work, he also published "History of Chinese Thought", "Overview of Song and Ming Dynasty Theory", "Zhuang Lao Tongjian", "Discussion of Modern and Ancient Texts of the Two Han Dynasty Classics", "Confucius and the Spring and Autumn Period", and "New Interpretation of the Analects". At this point, I will dive into the study and immerse myself in study.

After taking a leave of absence in 1964, he moved to a small village building and began to plan to write "Zhu Zi's New School Case". In the summer of 1965, Qian Mu went to the University of Malaya to give lectures, and in his spare time he specialized in Zhuzi. He returned to Hong Kong in February of the following year. In October 1967, he settled in Taipei, first lived in Jinshan Street, and moved to a small garden building donated by Chiang Chung Cheng in Sungai in July of the following year. Because Mr. Qian lived on the side of the Sushutang of the Fifth Generation's Tongtang Mansion, he was named "Sushulou" as a new residence. At this time, Mr. Qian was elected as an academician of Taiwan's "Academia Sinica" with the highest vote.

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Mr. Qian spent seven years completing his magnum opus, The Case of Zhu Zi's New Studies. The book was funded with funding from Harvard. This book is the masterpiece of his later years. The author not only expounded Zhu Xi's academic thought in depth, but also spent a lot of effort to systematically sort out Zhu Zi's ideological materials, interspersed with discussions, and was subtle and dense. The author examines Zhu Xi in the entire history of Chinese thought, highlights Zhu Xi's important historical position in the second half of Chinese intellectual history, and at the same time solves some important issues that have been debated and unresolved in the history of academic thought for more than 700 years after Zhu Zi's death. For example, in philosophy, the theory of rational qi and the theory of mind are a major problem, and Qian Mu used the principle of the unity of reason and qi to solve the scholars' argument about the duality or unity of reason and qi, and also broke the portal view of Cheng Zhu and King Lu in the field of intellectual history. Academically, he reproduced Zhu Xi's image as an encyclopedic figure. In terms of academic methods, the importance of righteousness and evidence is also a focus of debate among scholars, and he uses the method of "studying the evidence to invent the righteousness, and the righteousness must also prove the evidence" method to overcome the bias in the method of learning. The Case is an important work in his study of science. After reading the "Study Case", Yang Liansheng, an international critic of Sinology, was impressed, saying that Qian Muzhi's history of Chinese academic thought was "broad and profound, and there is no one in the world who can do it right".

After Mr. Qian completed the "Study Case", at the request of Zhang Qiyun, he became a professor of history at the Institute of Chinese Culture in Taiwan, and students came to his home to listen to lectures for two hours a week. At the request of Jiang Fuxuan, he was appointed as a distinguished researcher of the Palace Museum. The courtyard is opposite the Sushu Building. The institute opened a research room for Qian, where Qian read the Song, Yuan, and Mingli collections in the "Siku Quanshu", and wrote monographs. During this period, he wrote and published "Masterpieces of Chinese Historiography", "Sungai Monologues", "Biography of Confucius", and "Poetry Transcripts of Six Masters of Science". During this period, Qian summarized the main academic papers of the past 60 years, maintained the original appearance, and slightly revised them, and compiled them into the "Essays on the History of Chinese Academic Thought", a total of eight volumes. In addition, his collection of works on academic thought includes "Zhuang Lao Tongzhi", "The Two Han Dynasty Classics and Modern and Ancient Texts", and "Chinese Academic Principles". Other collections of essays or lectures on Chinese culture include: "Twelve Lectures on Chinese Culture", "Spirit of Chinese Culture", "Nationality and Culture", "Discussion on Chinese Culture", "World Situation and Chinese Culture", "History and Culture", etc. In terms of literature, there are "Lectures on Chinese Literature" and so on.

When Qian Muju lived in Shuangxi, he visited Japan and South Korea twice, and went to Hong Kong several times to give lectures. When he was 80 years old, accompanied by his wife, he traveled south and wrote "Eighty Memories of His Parents", remembering the kindness of his parents and his brother's support and help, revealing his nostalgia and longing for his relatives on the mainland. Later, he wrote the book "Miscellaneous Memories of Teachers and Friends", which made a comprehensive and plain review of his mentor-friend interactions, the purpose of his writings, and his life path. In 1977, Qian Mu was 83 years old, with severe stomach pain in winter, macular degeneration and blindness the following spring. When New Asia College established the Qian Mu Lecture, Dean Kim Yiu-kee implored him to be the first keynote speaker. Mr. Qian's speech was entitled "Chinese Nationality and Chinese Culture from the Perspective of Chinese History". In the summer of 1980, accompanied by his wife, Qian Mu went to Hong Kong to meet his three sons (Clumsy, Xing, Xun) and one daughter (Hui) in the mainland after a 32-year absence. The following year, he went to Hong Kong to meet his eldest daughter (Yi) and eldest nephew (Wei Chang). In 1984, when Qian Mu was 90 years old, he was able to reunite with his second son, second daughter and grandson (Song) granddaughter (Wanyue) for a month at the birthday celebration held in Hong Kong. In 1986, on his 92nd birthday, he gave the last lecture in Sushulou, said goodbye to Xingtan, and finally gave a message to students: "You are Chinese, don't forget China!" ”

In his later years, he was blind, and he put pen to paper, and only occasionally overlapped words. Mrs. Lai consulted the old books and quoted idioms. After the manuscript is completed, ask the lady to read it and dictate and revise it. This is how his last book, Blind Words in Late Learning, was born. Mrs. takes good care of her husband and is considerate. The couple is affectionate, old and dignified. The last essay of his later years, dictated by his wife in March before his death, was recorded and compiled by his wife, expressing his ultimate belief in Chinese culture. He was "single-minded" with the highest proposition of Confucianism, "the unity of heaven and man", and felt "happy" because he finally "came to the fore". These are the final verdict of his old age and his last words. Before his death, he pointed out many times: "The unity of nature and man is the highest belief of Chinese culture, and the unity of culture and nature is the ultimate ideal of Chinese culture." ”(1)

Qian Mu, a master of Chinese culture who has struggled for the promotion of Chinese culture all his life, died peacefully at the age of 96 on the morning of August 30, 1990 in his apartment in Taipei. He did not go to the heavenly kingdom that Western Christianity fantasized about, nor did he go to the other side of Nirvana, which Buddhism hoped for, but returned his soul to the warm fertile soil of the motherland. In January 1991, Mrs. Qian held Mr. Chen's ashes and was buried in Yujiadu Shipi Mountain in the West Mountain of Taihu Lake. The 17 million words of the Complete Works of Mr. Qian Binsi (Part A: Ideological Academics, Part B: Literature and History Academics, and Part C: Cultural Discourses) collected and sorted out by Mrs. Qian and the Ersanmen people were published by Taipei Lianjing Publishing Company from 1994 to 1997.

Looking back on Qian Mu's academic path, as his high-ranking Mr. Yan Gengwang pointed out at the end of "The Biography of Qian Mu": "Throughout his life, Mu studied Chinese ancient books extensively when he was a teenager, especially the ancient texts from the Tang, Song, Han and European dynasties to Tongcheng, and gradually tended to academic research. After the prime of life, he was biased towards the development of historiography, so the foundation of historiography is particularly broad and profound. In terms of the way of studying, the first step is to start with the sub-study, and in the prime of life, the most significant achievement is in the research and verification of kung fu; After middle age, he focuses on general studies. However, whether it is research or general education, the scope of work is very wide, such as politics, such as geography, as well as society and economics, but the focus is still on academic thought, which is still rooted in the hobby of young children. It is to always emphasize academic leadership in politics, and the academic system transcends the political system. ”

"In the past 70 years, China's history has been very prosperous, and there have been many famous masters. On the deep roots and rich writings, not only Mu alone; But his talent is magnificent, his knowledge is profound, and his articles are fierce, almost incomparable. Only in his later years, the younger generations of scholars still feel that their thoughts are like springs of water and put forward new ideas at any time. Thinking about it, there are many reasons, not arbitrary imagination. Even if he feels that his arguments are imaginative and elusive, they are still inspiring, and those who are eager to learn and think deeply, listen to his words, read his books, whether they can receive them or not, they can be enlightened, and when they do not open their minds, they cannot be persistent and stick to the rules, this is another contribution to the education of history in addition to establishing their own arguments, which is very rare! ”

In the twenties of the Republic of China, Mu suddenly jumped to the forefront of history, his reputation is rising, he has the least age among his peers, and his life is the longest. Since the Republic of China, historians have written a lot, and Mu's writings are particularly rich, covering Chinese literature, history, philosophy and art, and many different knowledges. ”(2)

Mr. Qian was not only a professional, a scholar, and a historian, but also a Confucian and a famous thinker. His academic works and lectures not only have academic and theoretical value, but also have profound ideological and philosophical sense. He defended and carried forward the essence of the historical and cultural traditions of the Chinese nation with his tireless teaching and writing, and with his whole body and mind, resisting the dismemberment of human nature by the industrialized and commercialized modern society, and resisting the decline and fall of the national cultural life caused by the rapid advance of the European wind and rain. He shoulders the mission of "continuing to learn for the sake of the saints" and is the real backbone of our nation!

Throughout his life, Qian Mu closely combined learning with being a person, and emphasized more on how to be a person, first of all, how to be an upright Chinese. He said: "Decades of loneliness, poverty and hunger, in ancient and modern scholarship a little glimpse, its most powerful person, is not as good as Song Mingru. Although he lives in the countryside, he did not dare to abandon school for a day. Although he has been in trouble and has escaped from distress, he has not dared to lose his ambition for a day. Although fame and fortune are current, they dare not move their hearts. Although he may have a bad reputation, he did not dare to be discouraged. Although learning is not enough to establish itself, I have not tasted or forgotten the ancestors of Confucianism, and I always look forward to it. Although the old age is not self-serving, it is not the heart of the country, the nation, the world, and the people, and it is the responsibility of the self-appointed husband. (3) He spent most of his life in the era when the Chinese nation was in danger and Chinese culture was weakening. He worked tirelessly to give lectures, run schools, teach and educate people, write books and lectures, and dedicate all his love, all his emotions, all his wisdom, and all his life to the great cultural cause of the Chinese nation.

His life began with the sorrows of the times since the defeat of the First Sino-Japanese War. He said: "Yu has a great knowledge of traditional Chinese culture. However, when it comes to patriotic fervor, it has never been a descendant since childhood. Whatever I say, I am all passionate about the country and the nation. The year of my birth was in the former Qing Dynasty, the year of Taiwan's cession to Japan in the Treaty of Shimonoseki. All my life, I have always been in the midst of other troubles and deep national difficulties. In the first year of the Republic of China, I taught in a rural primary school. If I have a little knowledge and a little can read, it is because of the encouragement and guidance of the national disaster. My speeches are all derived from my worries and worries under the encouragement and guidance of constant national disasters throughout my life. (4) Therefore, his writings are soaked with blood and tears, soaked with deep national pathos and historical consciousness, full of thoughts and respect for the past, and hopes and confidence in the future. In the face of the dilemma of Chinese culture in the 20th century, that is, the collapse of the value system, the disintegration of the meaning structure, the loss of self-consciousness, and the crisis of the spiritual world, Mr. Qian's life echo and the reality of existence were transformed into his learning, achievements, speeches, and writings. His learning is one with his life! (5)

Exegesis:

(1) Qian Mu, "Twelve Lectures on Chinese Culture", Taipei Dongda Book Company, 1987, third edition, p. 86.

(2) Yan Gengwang, "The Biography of Qian Mu", in Taiwan's Proposed Biography of the National History, vol. 5, pp. 310-311. This article uses Mr. Yan's "The Biography of Qian Mu" and "Mr. Qian Mubinsi and Me" (Taiwan Commercial Press, 1992 edition) in many places, and I would like to thank Mr. Yan. In addition to Mr. Yan's writings, the main basis of this article is Qian Mu, "Eighty Memories of Parents, Miscellaneous Memories of Teachers and Friends", Yuelu Publishing House, July 1986, 1st edition.

(3) Qian Mu, "An Overview of Song Ming Theory", self-preface, Taipei Student Book Company, 1977 edition.

(4) Qian Mu: Preface to "The Spirit of Chinese Culture", Taipei Sanmin Book Company, 1971 edition.

(5) In addition to the explanation in note (2), this article also refers to the following works: Luo Yijun, "The Biography of Mr. Qian Binsi", in Qian Mu Memorial Anthology, edited by Wuxi County CPPCC, Shanghai People's Publishing House, April 1994, 1st edition; He Yousen, "The Scholarship of Mr. Qian Binsi", in Collected Essays on Chinese Philosophical Thought, Vol. 8, Taiwan Shepherd Boy Publishing House, 1978; "Remembering the Scales on the Wind: Qian Mu and Modern Chinese Scholarship", Taipei Sanmin Book Company, 1991; Guo Qiyong and Wang Xuequn: "Qian Mu Commentary", Jiangxi Baihuazhou Literature and Art Publishing House, January 1995, 1st edition.

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Wang Kunwu: Reading "China's Political Gains and Losses in Past Dynasties"

"China's Political Gains and Losses in the Past Dynasties", by Qian Mu. The first edition of Joint Publishing Co., Ltd. was first printed in June 2001. The price is 12 yuan. A booklet of 98,000 words. After reading this book quickly, I was able to stay away from Bitspace for more than 20 days because the computer was broken. Secondly, the word "Qian Mu" is undoubtedly a reason why I can't wait. Qian Mu's books are not a lot of purchases, as long as they are available in the market, they are all available. His books such as "Modern Chinese Academic Arguments and Balances", "Idle Thoughts on the Lake", "Masterpieces of Chinese Historiography", and "Popular Speeches on Chinese Thought" are placed at the head of the bed, and he always has to turn them over before going to bed, but he never finishes them. Someone once objected to me saying that it was not appropriate to put Qian Gong's book at the head of the bed, because it was necessary to sit upright, light up the lamp, and read carefully. I said it, so I put the above books on the bookshelf, and replaced them with a copy of "Three Heroes and Five Righteousness" at the head of the bed. This book is the work of Shi Yukun, a rap artist in the late Qing Dynasty, and after it came out, it was edited and deleted by the hands of traditional literati, and it is allowed to be called a rare book. Yu Yue wrote a preface for it, saying that "the deeds are novel, the penmanship is hearty", "the coloring in leisure, and the spirit is hundredfold." Since then, the book has been entrenched at the head of the bed, and a group of heroes such as Nanxia Zhanzhao, Beixia Ouyang Chun, and Bai Yutang of Jinmao Mouse have started a desperate battle with my Sandman, holding their fists and sleeves, each showing their magical powers, and I can't stop, I often watch the battle until the sky is slightly bright, it is really "a hundred times the spirit", and it will not be black and sweet! Especially when I read Bai Yutang's pseudonym Uncle Jin Mao's three attempts to check the dispersal place, I couldn't help but pat the head of the bed and get up, praising it: "Good text, wonderful!" ”

Because "Three Heroes and Five Righteousness" really affected sleep, I had to invite Qian Muzhong back to the bedside. Read a little bit every day before going to bed, think about it, and fall asleep in less than 30 minutes. The next day was in good spirits, and I thought back to what I had read the night before, and if I had gained something. As for "Three Heroes and Five Righteousness", I had to leave it for Gong to read it, because there was a reason why it could not last for a long time, and it was limited to one or two times at a time, and it was all happy.

The book is divided into five lectures, respectively from the four aspects of government organization, election, economy, and military service, the political system of the Han, Tang, Song, and Ming dynasties and their gains and losses. Speaking of the Manchu regime, Mr. Qian Mu's writings basically have nothing good to say, and after reading Mr. Qian's works intermittently, I found that he has a strong sense of Han orthodoxy, and spares no effort to defend and defend the traditional Chinese culture dominated by the Han nationality. Mr. Qian is a very conceited person, and when he reads his writings, especially those that are not very rigorous, such as speeches, he often reads texts like this, and when he talks about a point of view, he often says: You can go to my so-and-so writings on this issue, or if this question has not been answered correctly or in detail before, until my writings appear, it will be better solved, and you can read my so-and-so books...... and so on. Of course, Mr. Qian has good reason to be conceited.

I read "The Political Gains and Losses of China's Past Dynasties" twice, the first time in the order of the whole book, and the second time according to the content discussed, that is, first the part on government organization, then the part on the electoral system, and then on the part about the Qing Dynasty. The advantage of reading in this way is that you can have a systematic and clear impression of the political system from the Han to the Ming Dynasty, and it does not feel messy as the first reading, where the same question is divided into several large pieces, and one question is not fully understood, and it is suddenly interrupted by another question.

Mr. Qian's book talks about the division of administrative regions in the past dynasties, and mentions the Han Dynasty several times. The local administration of the Han Dynasty is praised by future generations, there are about 100 counties in the whole territory, and each county has 10 to 20 counties, which is very reasonable compared to more than 10 provinces in the country now, and dozens or even hundreds of counties under the jurisdiction of each province. In the Han Dynasty, there were fewer official ranks, above the county were the county, above the county was the central government, the administrative area was small, and the management was more direct, which was equivalent to not having the current provincial administrative level. It shows that the economic life at that time was simple, and each administrative division could basically operate independently, with little interdependence, and there was no large-scale regional operation. This obviously does not work in today's society, as Mr. Qian said: "...... The system is dead, personnel is alive, and the dead system can never fully cooperate with the living personnel. As far as historical empiricism is concerned, no system can be beneficial without disadvantages. Nor can any system remain unchanged for the time being. All the past systems in history are the same, and the current current system is not the same. Therefore, although the local administration of the two Han Dynasty has been praised by the past dynasties, future generations cannot copy the gourd.

The reason why I am bringing up the topic of administrative divisions here is because I read a series of articles on the economic development of Shanghai and the entire Yangtze River Delta in the 982nd issue of Southern Weekly. Today's social and economic development trend is different from thousands of years ago, from the world is the global economy, from China's is the national economy, some scholars are actively discussing the "Greater Shanghai", plans to expand Shanghai's administrative area, and even include Suzhou, Wuxi and other places, in order to break down all kinds of administrative barriers, reduce unnecessary internal friction, with Shanghai as the leader, to drive the development of the entire Yangtze River Delta economic circle. Imagine if China was divided into more than 100 counties as it was during the Han Dynasty, and more than a dozen provinces were divided into more than 100 counties! What kind of situation will be created by the local protectionism pursued by more than 100 counties for their own vested interests?

By extension, any good system must be adjusted accordingly in light of the actual local situation at that time, and it must not be rigidly copied. For example, the topic of the abolition of the death penalty, which is hotly debated at the moment, is very skeptical of whether it is suitable for China today, and I have been absolutely opposed to the abolition of the death penalty for a long time that I can see. Of course, the supervision and review of death penalty trials should be strengthened.

is far away, back to "China's Political Gains and Losses in the Past Dynasties". Mr. Qian Mu in the government organization part of the special exposition of the ancient Chinese imperial power and the separation of power, try to prove the "emperor ****" is wrong, do not talk in detail, in short, on this issue boy, I do not agree with Mr. Qian's point of view, Mr. Qian seems to be just expounding "how it should be", and ignoring "how it is". On this issue, at the same time, refer to the chapter on Wang Anshi and Tang Taizong in Mr. Huang Renyu's "On the Banks of the Huxun River" about Wang Anshi and Tang Taizong.

The fifth lecture of Mr. Qian Mu's book "China's Political Gains and Losses in Past Dynasties" is devoted to the Qing Dynasty, and he criticizes the "magic" and "selfishness" under its "tribal regime". Chapter 11 of Liang Shuming's Essentials of Chinese Culture also deals with the so-called "tribal regime", and he concludes that the Manchu tribes did not constitute class rule; The Manchus ruled the Han people, or the Han people ruled the Manchus, "It's hard to say!" ”

Recently, I have often read the works of Mr. Qian Mu and Mr. Lu Simian, and found that the temperaments of these two gentlemen are in contrast. Mr. Qian is a person with a temperament, he can be angry and rush to the crown, throw his pen from Rong, get on the horse to hit the crazy Hu, and get off the horse to write in the army, so the emotional color in the work is relatively strong; Mr. Lu, is a gentle and upright scholar, never show subjective likes and dislikes in the article, always so calm and organized, if he is an ancient historian, he must be a straightforward Dong Hu, although he has no power to restrain the chicken, but the kind of strength and perseverance in his bones is very accessible.

Read his books and think about his people, with the green lantern as his companion, and fall into a dream leisurely

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Bi Minger: About Mr. Qian Mu's "China's Political Gains and Losses in Past Dynasties"

On 3 September, the "People's Political Consultative Conference Daily" published an article commenting on Mr. Qian Mu's "China's Political Gains and Losses in Past Dynasties." After reading it, I went to read the book again, and my views were somewhat different from those of Mr. Ding, the author of the original article.

After quoting Mr. Qian Mu's exposition in two places in the original text, Mr. Lu Xun's words are then quoted, as if Mr. Zhou's words are used to help explain Mr. Qian's opinion. However, Mr. Zhou regards Chinese history as a history of cannibalism, while Mr. Qian advocates that there should be a kind of warmth and respect for Chinese history. When Mr. Zhou talked about the must-read books for young people, he advocated reading less or even no Chinese books, and Mr. Qian's opinion was the opposite. The two gentlemen's views on history can be said to be incompatible. Therefore, some of their words may be similar on the surface, but it is very difficult and dangerous to explain and support each other. Mr. Ding's article did this, and if you don't read the original book, the reader may mistake Mr. Zhou's opinion for Mr. Qian's opinion, which is a misreading.

As the name suggests, China's politics for thousands of years has not been a mess of darkness, but has gained and lost. Saying that China has been feudal for thousands of years is ****, which is what Mr. Qian opposes the most. This is covered in many of his books, and this book is no different. There is an emperor, it does not mean that it is ****, on the contrary, there is no emperor does not mean that there is no ****. In this book, Mr. Qian mainly wants to affirm the gains and losses. I believe that many wonderful things in Chinese history cannot be discarded. That is, in terms of the imperial examination system, many historians believe that it is the eight-share selection of scholars, which harms scholars and the country. And this book says: "From the Tang Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, this system has been implemented. Even in the five-power constitution of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, there is also a special right to take examinations. This system, in theory, must not be criticized, but it is still full of faults, but we cannot erase it because it is faulty. There are many specific expositions on the imperial examination system, which will not be cited in detail here.

Mr. Ding's article talks about politics and power, and Mr. Qian's book emphasizes that power should be divided and supervised, and the politics of the past dynasties have also had gains and losses in this regard. The Tang Dynasty's temperance envoys had too much power and were not supervised, and the Tang Dynasty collapsed on this system.

The politics of the Qing Dynasty was considered by Mr. Qian to be said to have no system at all, everything was issued by the selfishness of the Manchurian tribes, and there were only spells, let alone no system. In order to facilitate the **** of the Manchu emperor, the prime minister was abolished (the Ming Dynasty was abolished, and the Qing Dynasty followed it). The supreme order is issued by the emperor. There are also the overt and the covert (directly and secretly issued) "This is purely out of selfishness, and selfishness can never form a system." Chinese history cannot be said to be ****, but the politics of the Qing Dynasty are ****. Regarding the Xinhai Revolution, the overthrow of the Manchu Qing Dynasty (the word "Manchu" is not used now, but it was used back then, and Mr. Qian also used this word in his book) said in the book, "The Manchu Qing Dynasty was overthrown, but even the whole history and culture of our China was also overthrown. This is because people at that time mistakenly believed that the political system of the Manchu Qing Dynasty was completely the old Chinese tradition since Qin Shi Huang, and mistakenly believed that this kind of system could be called the **** of the emperor in a word, so because of the dissatisfaction with the Manchu regime, it affected the dissatisfaction with the traditional politics in history. Because of dissatisfaction with the traditional politics of history, to dissatisfaction with all historical and traditional culture. However, if all traditional culture is overthrown, ordinary people will have no trust in one of the past traditions of their country. -----" (from this quotation, it can also be seen that the book and Mr. Lu Xun's views are different) This "all traditional culture was overthrown" may be the goal pursued by the * back then, and the result of "the heart of common respect and common trust is gone" has almost reappeared. It can be seen that the political gains and losses of these past dynasties must be carefully studied.

In Mr. Qian's original book, in addition to politics, it also discussed the economy, but Mr. Ding did not talk about it in the article, and I will not talk about it in this article. There is one more thing I want to mention, which is about the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. "From this point of view, everyone sympathizes with the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and thinks that it is a national revolution, which is not true, but it is not necessarily true." "If the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom succeeds, it will be a failure of all Chinese history. At that time, Hong Yang was not unable to overthrow the Manchu Qing, but at the same time they wanted to overthrow the entire history of China, so they could only fail. This book's view of this issue is also different from what we have been accustomed to for decades.

The original book is a collection of lectures delivered at Taiwan's Strategic Advisory Council in the fifties. History should be a strategic advisor. Reading this book today, perhaps it should also connect him with reality. It is better to only talk about the book, but not to connect with the reality, as * said, only to praise the good arrow and not to shoot the target.