Text Volume 1 Dismal Management_Chapter 71 Rivalry in the court
With the support of Guo Yunhou, the head of the household department, and Li Kuilong, the left deputy capital imperial history, beating drums on the side, the civil officials who wanted to oppose immediately retreated. In the final analysis, the two things of changing the national eunuch to a university and implementing the compulsory education law did not conflict much with the interests of these civil officials, and the reason why they stood up against it was only because they were afraid that the emperor would take the opportunity to raise taxes.
Now that the emperor was willing to use his inner treasury, and the household secretary was willing to endorse it, the civil officials immediately extinguished their opposition thoughts. By the time of the Apocalypse, Guozijian, a Ming official school that cultivated talents for the country in the early years of the founding of the country, has now been completely marginalized.
Before Jiajing in the Ming Dynasty, at least a petty official could be awarded to the sub-eunuch of the country. But today, the Chinese officials of the DPRK pay attention to their origins, and they have reached the point of nitpicking. Non-jinshi are not allowed to enter the Hanlin, and non-Hanlin is not allowed to enter the cabinet.
Jinshi looked down on Tongjinshi, Tongjinshi looked down on people, officials from the imperial examination, and officials from the imperial examination looked down on officials from non-imperial examinations. Under the control of these civil officials who were born on the right path of the imperial examination, prison students who were not born in the elite basically had no chance to be granted official positions.
Because of this, by the time of the Apocalypse, the size of the Guozijian had shrunk from thousands at the beginning of the country to about 4 or 5 hundred. This is still the Guozijian in Beijing, and the Guozijian in Nanjing even needs to arrest people and enter the prison to avoid the embarrassment that there are more teachers than students.
What can a country that has been abandoned to such an extent change its name to change its name? This is the thinking of the officials in the court.
The Donglin Party members headed by Wang Shoulu seemed to have provoked a conflict with the cabinet as soon as Xu Guangqi entered Beijing, and they were obviously happy to see it. Although after Wei Zhongxian was driven out of the capital, the so-called eunuch party also disappeared, but the former eunuch party members still control the Ming dynasty.
In the eyes of the Donglin Party, Chongzhen's approach is too benevolent for women, and he doesn't understand the truth of eliminating evil. However, after Chongzhen set up the imperial history system of the court meeting, he clearly announced that those who dared to make personal attacks at the court meeting would be expelled from the court, and after thinking about it behind closed doors for a week, and they were not allowed to be rated as excellent during the inspection of this term, the officials who originally used the distinction between gentlemen and villains to impeach others at every turn suddenly spoke much more cautiously, and the court meeting was no longer as before, arguing at every turn.
What the Donglin Party people diligently pursued was to drive all the eunuch party members out of the imperial court, so that the king would be surrounded by righteous men and gentlemen like the Donglin Party people, and restore the situation of the Zhongzheng Ying Dynasty during the Taichang period.
Under Chongzhen's operation, although the leaders of the eunuch party, Wei Zhongxian and Cui Chengxiu, have stayed away from the court, he has no intention of continuing to liquidate the other eunuch officials. As for the request of some Donglin party members to recall the Donglin officials who were driven out of Beijing by Wei Zhongxian, Chongzhen only partially agreed.
In this situation, Wang Shoulu and others found that although the eunuch party was suppressed, the Donglin party was still in a weak position in the court. To prevent the eunuchs from making a comeback, they need an ally above the court.
At such a moment, Xu Guangqi, a technical official who had never been involved in party struggles and devoted himself to the study of natural sciences, came into the sight of the Donglin Party. Originally, Wang Shoulu and others were still worried about whether Xu Guangqi and others would compromise with the eunuchs in the court in order to implement what they had always advocated, borrowing the study of Taixi to reform the reform policy of the Ming Dynasty.
Therefore, although the Donglin Party members felt that Xu Guangqi's policy of reforming education violated the ancestral system of the Ming Dynasty. But in order to ensure that they could join forces with Xu Guangqi and others to deal with the eunuchs, Wang Shoulu and other Donglin Taoist officials chose to remain silent.
Huang Liji and Zhang Ruitu saw that the general trend was unchangeable, and then silently returned to their queue.
Shi Fenglai, the sleek second assistant, saw this situation and immediately made a choice, and he stood up to support Guo Yunhou's proposition.
At this point, the already weak opposition was finally suppressed, and the policy of changing the country into a university and introducing a three-year compulsory education law was passed, and Chongzhen took the opportunity to establish an academy of sciences independent of the civil service.
After Huang Liji retreated, he looked up at Chongzhen on the throne, and then at Xu Guangqi who was standing in front of His Majesty Dan. If it weren't for Xu Guangqi's entry into the capital yesterday, he would have wondered if today's incident had been discussed between Xu Guangqi and Chongzhen.
After he obeyed the orders of Emperor Tianqi and assisted King Xin to ascend the throne, after watching Wei Zhongxian, who had been in power before, disappear quietly in the court, he was still full of appreciation for Chongzhen's failure to overturn the case for the Donglin Party and all the ways to steadily transition the political situation.
However, as the first assistant of the cabinet and the leader of the Ming civil official group, Huang Liji's position is naturally to play with the imperial power.
It is his duty to maintain the smooth transfer of imperial power, so that the newly enthroned Chongzhen understands the limited scope of imperial power and protects the power and interests of the civilian clique.
Since the Ming Dynasty set up the cabinet bachelor, the power of the cabinet has been increasing, and today it has actually become the prime minister of the Ming Dynasty, and it can even be said that it has surpassed the power of the prime minister of the Tang and Song dynasties at some times.
However, the power of the cabinet has never really been clearly fixed, but only a vague expression of power. With each emperor's tenure, the power of the emperor and the cabinet clashed until the new emperor and the cabinet compromised.
If you meet an emperor like Jiajing, even if it is an old minister of the Three Dynasties like Yang Tinghe, it will also end miserably. Since Huang Liji was confident that the king had ascended the throne, he had been observing cautiously, hoping to gain a political tacit understanding with Chongzhen, so that he could start to deal with the political situation in the Ming Dynasty.
In the last court meeting, Li Kuilong suddenly proposed to reform the commercial tax and abolish the policy of exempting scholars and nobles from commercial tax, which surprised Huang Li.
Although he knew that today, the tax law of the Ming Dynasty could not be changed, but Li Kuilong, who had always been attached to the powerful, dared to risk the world and hit the scholars and nobles with his ideas, which was really a bit beyond his strength.
Sure enough, the civil officials in the court quickly stood up and impeached Li Kuilong, judging from the impeachment content of these civil officials, Huang Liji immediately noticed that Li Kuilong's negligence had already been leaked, and they had already prepared.
Although Huang Liji is a native of Yuancheng, the ancestor of the Huang family moved from Hongdong, Shanxi. Shanxi people have always been good at business, and the Huang family is no exception. As for the officials of the DPRK and China, as far as Huang Liji knows, there are no clansmen or relatives from Shanxi, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi who are not engaged in business.
Seven or eight out of ten civil officials in the Ming Dynasty were born in these places, and collecting taxes from scholars and nobles was undoubtedly declaring war on most of the civil official groups. Even he, the first assistant of the Ming Dynasty, didn't dare to do it, Li Kuilong actually did it so arrogantly, and he was also heard by the civil officials.
Judging from Huang Liji's life experience, Li Kuilong is undoubtedly finished. Although in Huang Liji's opinion, after Wei Zhongxian left, there were only a few people who could instruct Li Kuilong. And the only one who dares to make such an unreliable proposal should be Chongzhen, who has just ascended the throne.
But under the turbulence of the people in the court, even Chongzhen, who is the noble Son of Heaven, will probably abandon Li Kuilong without hesitation, a Son of Heaven who is rejected by scholars and nobles is not a good thing.
However, something happened that broke the glasses, and Chongzhen actually jumped out to block the gun for a eunuch remnant who had done a bad errand. This is something that has not happened since the founding of the Ming Dynasty, but a cadre of civil servants did not let Chongzhen go, and the Wanli Emperor collected mining taxes when they were scolded by the civil officials for looting the people's wealth.
Chongzhen, who has just ascended the throne for a few days today, wants to collect taxes from scholars, does this Ming still have a royal law? In the face of the persuasion of these civil officials, in Huang Liji's opinion, Chongzhen either fled in the wilderness, or used court battles to block the mouths of the civil officials.
However, Chongzhen was only angry at the beginning, and when the civil officials kept quoting scriptures and comparing the collection of taxes from scholars and nobles to the tyranny of the Emperor, the young emperor calmed down.
On that day, the civil officials took turns to come out of the ranks, spraying Chongzhen for two hours, and Li Kuilong on the side was already colorless. But after Chongzhen waited for everyone to finish speaking, he just silently took off the black gauze wing crown on his head, and said calmly: "Since Zhuqing thinks that I am the king of the Emperor, then it is better to choose another virtuous monarch, the Ming Sect is nearly a million, can't you find one that meets your wishes?" However, as long as I am the emperor of the Ming Dynasty for one day, the commercial tax must be changed, and the scholars and nobles must pay the commercial tax. When did Emperor Taizu allow scholars and nobles to do business? Enjoying the worship of the state, but also managing the affairs of business, and not wanting to pay taxes, isn't it competing with the people for profit? ”
Chongzhen's resoluteness suddenly made the Chinese official dumbfounded. Since ancient times, there has been an emperor who will threaten his ministers with resignation, and the emperor is the lord of the world, no matter who becomes the emperor, no one will automatically give up this position unless he dies.
If Chongzhen had followed the example of his father, and had imposed a court war on civil ministers or exiled them to remote prefectures and counties, they would have gained a reputation as a direct minister who advised the king.
But Chongzhen threatened to resign, and when it was spread, wouldn't it become a drama of traitors and rebels coercing the young emperor. Some of them had a bad reputation in Shilin's mouth, and were called eunuch scum by those Donglin Party members who drove them out of the capital. If the Donglin Party people outside take this opportunity to attack, their fate will not be much worse than the extinction of the dead clan.
Suddenly, the originally aggressive civil officials turned off the fire, and the silence outside the imperial gate was terrifying. In the end, it was Huang Liji and Li Guopu who came out to play a round. The issue was put aside for the time being, and the situation was ripe before the discussion was made, and the turmoil was calmed down.
And Huang Liji also saw Chongzhen's determination to reform the Ming Dynasty from this incident. Although Huang Liji wants to reform, what he wants is not Chongzhen's radical policy that may subvert the Ming Dynasty, Huang Liji firmly believes that only an old minister like him to preside over the reform of the Ming Dynasty can stop Chongzhen, a young emperor, from acting recklessly.
Therefore, Huang Li desperately wanted to have a completely unreserved conversation with Chongzhen, but he never found this opportunity. Today's proposal made Huang Liji's sense of anxiety even more intense, and for the first time he felt that the development of things seemed to be out of his control.