Obituary into the conference hall of the West Garden of Ganshi Mansion to see the arrangement of the seats... and Yuan Chenhao suddenly knew what to expect. Under the leadership of Xiang Linghui, a group of generals all stayed in the corner of the house on the left. Not long after, Premier Yan Jingyu brought central government officials to the conference room; Immediately afterwards, Gu Weimin led the main representatives of the committees of the plenary congress to rush over; Prior to Wang Yuanqing's arrival, deputies to the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and representatives of various quasi-administrative organs arrived one after another. As Yuan walked into the conference hall for the last time, the crowd that was still talking in a low voice suddenly fell silent.

When he was seated, Pei Chengyi looked around.

Without meeting Li Cunxun, the director of military intelligence would not have participated in such a "large-scale event".

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was bumped by Yuan Chenhao with his elbow, and Pei Chengyi looked towards the rostrum.

In the past meeting daggers, Wang Yuanqing would have two places around him, one was reserved for Gu Weimin and the other was reserved for Yan Jingyu. This way of arranging the location is unmistakably told to the others. The political location of Gu Weimin and Yan Jingyu. This. Wang Yuanqing had only one place by his side, and it was left to Gu Weimin. Even the most politically ignorant military personnel can see the meaning of this arrangement.

The meeting has not officially begun, first question. And the most important issue has been resolved.

Now that Wang Yuanqing has chosen Gu Weimin, there is no suspense in the next few topics.

Everyone knows that Gu Weimin is politically more than enough to keep and not enough to enter. At that time, he still lost to Wang Yuanqing with the full support of Zhao Rundong, and in addition to the intervention of Ji Youguo, Peng Maobang and Pan Yunsheng, it was inseparable from his own shortcomings. In a sense. Gu Weimin's ability to hold important positions in Wang Yuanqing's government, and even being the de facto No. 2 leader of the country for a long time, also has something to do with his shortcomings. In any case, Gu Weimin is a politician who lacks ambition and **, that is, a catty. There are not many threatening politicians.

Wang Yuanqing did not reuse Ye Zhisheng, nor did he immediately give Yan Jingyu enough power, which has a lot to do with the political ambitions of the two. The tear book bar is less than the concave factory, Dong Chop, Dong more

The fact that Gu Weimin succeeded him is enough to show that Wang Yuanqing is not optimistic about the future of the republic.

After the official start of the meeting, Jiao Kuishan first solicited opinions on the issue of the central group recommending Gu Weimin as the next candidate for national president. The mother is undoubted. None of the participants, who were members of the Central Committee, or delegates to the National Congress, objected. Because Wang Yuanqing is the leader of the central group, it is in accordance with relevant regulations. It will be up to him to elect Gu Weimin as the next state president at the plenary congress. Although the new election law will be officially implemented, the delegates to the National Congress will be re-elected within this month, and all local groups and committees have the right to nominate candidates for the national election, so Gu Weimin is not facing a simple election by a margin, but fierce competition, but the new system has just been promoted, and coupled with Wang Yuanqing's prestige, no one can pose a threat to Gu Weimin.

When Jiao Kuishan was soliciting opinions, Pei Chengyi especially paid attention to Yan Jingyu's expression.

As the loser of this round of struggle, Yan Jingyu suffered the most. It's just that Pei Chengyi didn't see any dissatisfaction with the premier of the State Council. There is no doubt that either the prime minister has too much of a city government, or the yuan has an arrangement, or both are possible. Anyway, Yan Jingyu is not a problem.

The chairman of the plenary meeting was elected by the election committee and then voted on by the plenary meeting, so it was not discussed at the meeting. It's just that the state president cannot concurrently serve as the chairman of the plenary congress, and after Gu Weimin is successfully elected as the state president, a new chairman will definitely be born.

The question is, who will sit in this position?

It's definitely not Yan Jingyu, because according to the provisions of the constitutional amendment, the vice president of the state is no longer dispensable. Before Gu Weimin came to power, that is, after Wang Yuanqing's election, he had to propose a candidate for vice president of the country, and then accept the vote of the plenary meeting. In other words, the state element and the state vice president are elected together. The vice president of the state is not only the country's number two real power figure. It is the "substitute" of the state yuan. Although the terms of reference of the Deputy Minister of State are very controversial. and was determined by the adoption of constitutional amendments. But one thing is certain, that is, the vice-president of the state must exist, and has a great say in the political life of the country.

Yan Jingyu's look has already shown that he will be the only candidate for vice president of the country.

Because of the state vice president, the chairman of the plenary congress is only the third leader of the country. Although the terms of reference of the Plenum were clearly defined in the constitutional amendment, the role of the Plenum was significantly enhanced and it became a legislature in the true sense of the word. Don't say anything else. Without the support of the General Assembly, all administrative acts introduced by the central government can be considered illegal. However, in the power structure of the republic, the status of the plenary congress is still inferior to that of the State Council, and the chairman of the plenary congress is even less influential than that of the premier. The reason is very simple: The plenary session is originally a place where various interest groups quarrel, and the chairman of the plenary congress has a rather limited right to speak, and in many cases it only has a "representative role," while the State Council is the highest administrative organ and a government department with a division of labor and cooperation, and the premier is not only the commander-in-chief of the State Council, but also the supreme leader. Have a lot of decision-making power.

That is, after the chairman of the plenary congress ceased to be the second leader of the country,

Thinking about this question, Pei Chengyi looked at Ye Zhisheng.

Obviously, the most embarrassing situation is Ye Zhisheng.

Although Bae Chengyi is not a politician. He is not even a government official, but he also knows the rumors of the people. According to some ordinary people, after Wang Yuanqing decided that Gu Weimin would take over as the head of the country, Ye Zhisheng had been working hard for the position of chairman of the plenary congress. The reason is very simple, at that time, Wang Yuanqing had not yet proposed a constitutional amendment, and he had not determined the position of vice minister of the country, Ye Zhisheng actively sought the position of the chairman, making it clear that he wanted to take this opportunity to pass Yan Jingyu and become the second leader of the republic. In other words, even if it is impossible to come to power in the year of the field, it is necessary to strive to become the head of the republic after the old year. To this end, Ye Zhisheng made great efforts and started to build momentum very early, as if Wang Yuanqing had arranged for him to be the chairman of the committee. Now, Ye Zhisheng has entered a dilemma. If he bites the bullet, he will definitely be arranged to serve as the chairman of the plenary congress, and it is very likely that the vice president of the country will be in charge of legislative work, so as to use Yan Jingyu to further suppress Ye Zhisheng and ensure Yan Jingyu's successor status after the old year. If you change your mind. Because the outside world has long thought that Ye Zhisheng will take up the post of chairman of the NPC National Committee, Wang Yuanqing has long made arrangements for the premier of the State Council, so that Ye Zhisheng will offend more central leaders.

In any case, Wang Leiqing's intention to suppress Ye Zhisheng is very obvious.

The question is, did Wang Yuanqing want to suppress Ye Zhisheng? Round reading the most paid chapter, choose the tear book, throw the concave Peng complete

Pei Chengyi couldn't figure out this question, and few people could figure it out.

Strictly speaking, Ye Zhisheng has followed Wang Yuanqing for several years and is loyal to Wang Yuanqing, although he is relatively naïve in some aspects. His political talent is not so outstanding, but in many cases, Ye Zhisheng's performance is still worthy of the basic requirements of the premier of the State Council, at least in handling administrative affairs, Ye Zhisheng's ability is obvious to all.

If you have to find out why. It can only be boiled down to two points.

It was Ye Zhisheng who did not have a very good relationship with the military. During his tenure as defense minister, he competed for power and profit with the generals who were chief of the general staff, and Wang Yuanqing was in a dilemma. Because of his close relationship with the young Zhuang faction in the army, Wang Yuanqing had to favor the General Staff Headquarters on many occasions, and it was not until he proposed the third military reform that the Ministry of National Defense was raised. In this way, when the support of the army is most needed, that is, when the army is needed to promote political reform, Wang Yuanqing will certainly not create new troubles for the army. It will not give Ye Zhisheng too much space to expand. What's more, the next chief of the General Staff, Lin Xiaolei, is a soldier with a lack of roots, if he and Ye Zhisheng are allowed to get together, it will be a problem if there is no problem.

The second is Ye Zhisheng's background, that is, Ye Zhisheng's network of relationships outside the government. Although Ye Zhisheng and his distant cousin Ye Yongji are not close, Ye Hong Group has made a good name in the Republic in recent years, and it seems to have become second only to; The second largest private group of Jian Group is more like a consortium, so many people associate the vigorous development of Ye Hong Group with Ye Zhisheng, and some people with ulterior motives even say that it is with the help of the executive vice premier that Ye Hong Group can take root and gain a foothold in the republic. And enter the arms industry. Of course, some people say the opposite, that is, Ye Zhisheng has achieved his current political achievements with the support of Ye Hong Group. Although Wang Yuanqing will not be swayed by public opinion, he will definitely have some concerns when arranging high-level leaders, and he will not let Ye Zhisheng sit in the position of prime minister.

Anyway, Ye Zhisheng has no concubines to sing.

So, who is the next prime minister?

You must know that the position of the premier of the State Council can be large or small, and the role of the wave is more prominent than the yuan at some times. Not to mention anything else, just many years ago, during Zhao Rundong's first term of office, that is, when Wang Yuanqing was still engaged in Fang Zhan in Guangxi, Pang Xinglong, who was the premier of the State Council at that time, had a lot of power to speak, and even restricted Zhao Rundong's power. It was not until Wang Yuanqing returned to the Central Committee and Gu Weimin became the premier of the State Council that the premier's authority was reduced, and the power of the state fell into the hands of Yuan and Vice Yuan.

In a sense, the power of the prime minister is determined by the yuan.

To put it simply, if Yuan is tough and powerful enough, the power of the prime minister will be very limited, because there is a large overlap between the administrative powers of the Yuan and the premier, and as long as the yuan is unwilling to delegate power, the prime minister will not have much autonomy.

On the contrary, the influence of the prime minister is very staggering, especially when the democratic political system is not yet perfect, and the premier of the State Council is the chief steward of the republic, can participate in the decision-making of almost all state affairs, and has the right to speak only in major affairs.

There is no doubt that the democratic political system of the republic is not perfect enough.

Although the constitutional amendment was adopted in a referendum, the status of administrative legislation has been greatly reduced, and not only does the plenary assembly have the power to veto administrative legislation, but also administrative legislation that is not supported by the plenary assembly has no legal force and will not be observed and respected. Arguably, this is a very significant step forward. In the past, administrative legislation had the force of law as long as it was not vetoed by the plenary congress. However, it is impossible for the plenary assembly to deliberate and vote on every piece of administrative legislation, resulting in most of the administrative legislation becoming laws and having the force of law. That is, the government has legislative power. The situation has changed and is tantamount to weakening the power of the government. But no one; One continent denied it. As the architect of various basic policies, the power of the State Council is not to reduce benevolence. The impact on the daily life and production of the citizens of the Republic is also the greatest. Among other things, due to the impact of the Great Depression, the Republic slowed down the market-oriented reform of finance, that is, the financial decision-making power remained in the hands of the State Department and was not transferred to the Central Bank. The activities of private financial institutions have also been greatly restricted. That alone gives the State Department an unimaginable amount of influence. Over the past few years, the society has been calling for strengthening the power and status of the central bank and opening up the financial market to private capital, in order to increase the proportion of the financial market and reduce the influence of the government.

It can be seen from this that the selection of the premier of the State Council is extraordinary.

It's even more complicated when you look at the actual situation. The tear book bar dumps the concave coffee factory less, and the salary is more

Wang Yuanqing's intention to support Yan Jingyu is very obvious. Although Yan Jingyu was not allowed to take over, everyone could see that at most, after the old year, Yan Jingyu would become the head of the country. Because Yan Jingyu has worked in the prime minister's position for many years, and his performance is very outstanding, and his ability to govern the country has been recognized, so after Yan Jingyu sat in the position of vice president, he must be in charge of domestic affairs, especially economic development and infrastructure construction. As a matter of fact. This is also Wang Yuanqing's division of labor. Gu Weimin is a veteran and his main responsibility is to promote political and military reforms. If Ye Zhisheng is the chairman, it shows that Wang Yuanqing does not hope that a strong legislative body will emerge in the near future, so Ye Zhisheng's job is to manage the plenary congress well. In this set of central leadership groups, only one catty is lacking. That is diplomatic work.

In fact, for several years the diplomatic work of the republic has been carried out by the supreme leader himself.

Although Huang Guowei in the era of Ji Youguo was very famous, and was even rated as a global figure by Time magazine in the United States many times, and Yan Shanglong in the era of Zhao Rundong and Wang Yuanqing was also very famous and a big celebrity in international social occasions, but in the final analysis, since the era of Ji Youguo, the Republic has not had a foreign minister in the true sense. Whether it is Huang Guowei or Yan Shanglong, they are actually the microphones of national leaders. Although in the eyes of most people, Zhao Rundong is not a catty. A leader who is proficient in diplomacy, but during his second term, Wang Yuanqing made up for his shortcomings. It can be said that at that time, Wang Yuanqing was allowed to participate in the decision-making work of major state affairs as vice president, which had a lot to do with Zhao Rundong's lack of diplomatic ability and the need for an assistant who was proficient in diplomacy and knew how to deal with international contradictions.

The problem is that Gu Weimin, Yan Jingyu and Ye Zhisheng are not very good at diplomacy.

Only Ye Zhisheng is slightly better, but he is still a lot away from the level of the foreign minister.

Judging by the situation in which the republic finds itself. Although in the coming years, the main work will certainly have to be done at home, and a great deal of energy will be devoted to economic construction, political reform, military reform, social development, democratic progress, and so on, and it will be impossible for the republic to focus on foreign countries when there are almost no peripheral threats, but the international situation will not be stabilized as a result, and the confrontation between the two major powers will not die down, but will make the international struggle more complicated and changeable because both sides are pouring into domestic construction, after all, both sides hope to contain their opponents through international struggle. In this way, the thug republic needs a diplomat with outstanding talents, and he must be given the corresponding power and influence.

There is no doubt that there is no shortage of such talents in the republic.

Over the years, Yan Shanglong has already proved his talent with his actions, and he is still young enough, even if he does it again, there will be no problem.

In other words, Yan Shanglong is the most likely to become the premier of the State Council.

In fact, in this way, the conflict between the State Department and the vice president's residence can be controlled. Anyway, Yan Jingyu was in power before he took power. It is impossible to show up in the international community, just like Wang Yuanqing back then, he will behave very low-key. In other words, Yan Jingyu will not compete with Yan Shanglong for the right to speak on diplomatic issues. In fact, Wang Yuanqing rarely competed with the foreign minister for the right to speak. What's more, Yan Shanglong has already entered the decision-making circle and is very clear about the situation in the central government, as long as he has a little brain, he will find a pound between Gu Weimin and Yan Jingyu. The ideal balance. In fact, Yan Shanglong did just that, so he secured the position of foreign minister during Wang Yuanqing's administration. In other words, Yan Shanglong will definitely correct the opinion of the Vice Yuan Mansion in foreign policy, and try to keep the same pace with the Vice Yuan Mansion without going against Gu Weimin's intentions.

If this arrangement is made, the contradictions at the central decision-making level can be brought under control.

It can be said that as long as Ye Zhisheng can stabilize his qi, there will be no major problems at the central decision-making level.

There is no doubt that Wang Yuanqing will definitely greet Ye Zhisheng and make corresponding arrangements. Not to mention anything else, Wang Yuanqing asked Li Cunxun to stay, which was the most powerful arrangement. You must know that as long as Li Cunxun is still active in the central government, not to mention that Ye Zhisheng does not dare to act rashly, Gu Weimin has to be worried. plus Lin Xiaolei, who sat in the position of chief of the general staff, and the various "princes" who were sent outside. "Even people with a lack of roots in their heads can understand that Wang Yuanqing can leave the Yuan Mansion, but his influence will definitely not be easily dispersed.

If you look at this problem clearly, Pei Chengyi will know. This meeting is not just about addressing the issue of succession.