； However, the answer will be given at that time. But Pei Chengyi still slowed down

With Liu Xiaobin's reminder and Li Cunxun's reminder, Pei Chengyi did not make such an amazing choice, and it was Su Jinhui who partnered with Yuan Chenhao. The address of this site has been changed to: Foot Union Concave Peng Embedded, please log in to the circle to read

In fact, this arrangement is mainly to take care of Pei Chengyi.

Although Su Jinhui came from a military family, his grandfather was one of the founding generals of the Republic, and several famous senior generals were born in his father's generation, and in his generation, there were also several generals, but Su Jinhui himself was not close to the family faction, and he could be regarded as a rebel in the family faction. During the Peninsular War. The picket army commanded by Su Jinhui had a very amazing performance, and in the battle against Seoul, it showed unbelievable combat effectiveness. With this battle, Su Jinhui became an army general. In several post-war transfers, he did not show any obvious resistance because he wanted to take the opportunity to dissociate himself from the family.

The problem is that Su Jinhui can't enter the circle of the Young Zhuang faction at all.

Although in terms of age. Su Jinhui is not a few years older than Pei Chengyi, and he can be regarded as young and vigorous, but in the eyes of all the soldiers of the Young Zhuang faction, this general from a military family has nothing to do with the Young Zhuang faction. Exactly. After the Peninsula War, Su Jinhui was transferred several times, and basically spent time in the Qingshui Yamen. If it is not a general, the minimum retirement age is the donkey years. I'm afraid Su Jinhui would have retired a long time ago.

Li Cunxun pulled Su Jinhui in at this time, and made it clear that he wanted him to spend his spare heat.

Now the question is. How to arrange the relationship between Su Jinhui and Yuan Chenhao?

Although according to Li Cunxun's meaning, Su Jinhui and Yuan Chenhao are both Pei Chengyi's deputies, that is, the position of two chiefs of staff and deputy commanders in the joint command is left to Iran and Syria when directing operations. Directly obey Pei Chengyi's orders, but as a commitment to Iran and Syria, the republic must have two headquarters on the front line, Pei Chengyi only needs to command remotely in the rear, and two chiefs of staff are responsible for front-line command. That is, the task of the joint command is only to coordinate the two front-line commands and not to participate in the work of tactical command.

Herein lies the problem. Who hit Syria and who went to Iran?

Because the joint command has not yet been established, and both the Iranian and Syrian authorities have said that they are completely obedient to the command, this personnel arrangement is still a matter for Li Cunxun for the time being.

On April 10,000, that is, the day after Pei Chengyi selected Su Jinhui, the thug Li Cunxun found Xie.

In fact, Pei Chengyi is also thinking about this catty, the problem.

According to the most reasonable arrangement, Yuan Chenhao should definitely be sent to Syria, for the simple reason that the battle in the direction of the Golan Heights must be much more important than the battle in the Zagros Mountains. It can even be said that the ultimate ownership of the Golan Heights determines the final outcome of the war in the Middle East. Although Pei Chengyi did not doubt Su Jinhui's ability, especially the ability to command the armored group to attack and attack, but from the perspective of his own will, Pei Chengyi did not want to hand over this most important task to a general who had not been on the battlefield for more than ten years, and it was a person who was not very close to him

Army.

The problem is that not everything can be done according to Pei Chengyi's personal wishes.

Li Cunxun took the initiative to come to the door. It is clear that it is to make Pei Chengyi realize the seriousness of the problem.

To put it simply, if the outcome of the war in the Middle East is very unfavorable for the republic. So letting Yuan Chenhao go to Syria is tantamount to burying Pei Chengyi's most important partner.

Li Cunxun understands this. Pei Chengyi also understands this.

The two didn't spend much saliva, and after a brief discussion, Pei Chengyi made a compromise and called Yuan Chenhao according to Li Cunxun's intentions.

Pei Chengyi does not need to worry about the establishment of the joint command, and according to Li Cunxun's arrangement, the joint command is located in Gwadar port. Directly call in the men and horses of the theater command. In fact, the main duty of the theater command was to serve as the highest command in this direction during the war and therefore to help the joint command. It is also the job of the theater command. Compared with the theater command, the most important feature of the joint command is that it has more liaison officers from Iran and Syria, and two additional deputy commanders.

The key is the front-line command. In fact, the main organ that directs operations is the front-line command.

This matter did not worry Pei Chengyi either. After Yuan Chenhao arranged the work of the theater command, he would rush to Tehran. With the assistance of the Iranian authorities, a more suitable location was selected to set up a front-line headquarters. Since the republic does not have military bases in Iran, it is necessary to think in the long run, and it is up to the General Staff or the Military Intelligence Agency to decide where to place the forward command. Pei Chengyi didn't ask Li Cunxun, according to his guess, Li Cunxun must have been arranged a long time ago, and the location should be in a comprehensive military base in western Iran near Iraq. Because Su Jinhui has not yet returned to the General Staff, and until the situation is clear, the Republic should not behave too actively, at least not let the outside world think that the Republic wants to fight, so the front-line command on the Syrian side is temporarily in charge of Liu Xiaobin. Fortunately, the focus on the Syrian direction is on the Golan Heights, so the front command will definitely have to face the Golan Heights, and there is not much room for change.

The key issue for both front-line commands is personnel.

Although there was no detailed inquiry. However, Pei Chengyi believed that with Li Cunxun's ability, it would not be difficult to summon hundreds of staff officers for the two front-line command headquarters. No matter how powerful Lin Xiaolei is, as long as Li Cunxun is still the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau. He had to give Li Cunxun face.

Pei Chengyi left Beijing.

According to Li Cunxun's arrangement, the plan was made by the Joint Command, and should not be handed over to Yuan Chenhao, so the trolling water must rush to Gwadar Port in advance and start to formulate a war plan.

Before the plane took off, Li Cunxun sent people to deliver several documents.

Because he left the army for several years. Coupled with the impact of the third military reform, Pei Chengyi needs to take some time to understand the military power of the republic.

In fact, the focus is on the third military reform.

After the war in India. When Wang Yuanqing proposed the third military reform, almost everyone believed that after eliminating the last immediate threat, the republic would gradually reduce its military strength and reduce military spending. More financial resources should be used for economic construction. In fact, this is indeed the purpose of the third military reform. The problem is that reducing military spending is definitely not the only purpose of the third military reform.

At the time of proposing reforms. Wang Yuanqing mentioned that the main purpose of the third military reform is to transform military forces.

To put it simply, it is to build new military forces for new strategic objectives. Round reading the most chopped chapters, choose the tear book, throw the concave Peng complete

As everyone knows, since the beginning of the first military reform since Ji Youguo, in addition to the important strategic purpose of safeguarding national security, the main task of the republican forces has been to establish a peaceful and stable surrounding area and provide assistance for the creation of an international alliance system with the republic as the core. The mother is undoubted. Over the years, the Republican team has done both of these tasks very well. With the fall of the last great enemy, unless the Republic is willing to defeat the strongest rival through war, no country of sufficient weight will pose a threat to the Republic for the foreseeable time. Although some people believe that sooner or later the republic and Russia will have a fight, Russia is a quasi-power with a large number of nuclear weapons, and the republic cannot deal with Russia as it did with India, because Russia is extremely large, so it is impossible for the republic to deal with Russia as it did with Japan. In general, even if the contradictions between the republic and Russia will become more obvious, as long as the United States remains the world hegemon. The republics had the basis for peaceful coexistence with Russia, and before that. It is unlikely that the two sides will break out into war because of the legacy of history. In fact, the most important reason why the republic has been procrastinating on the Mongolian issue is that it does not want to turn against Russia, let alone to be distracted by its strong neighbor to the north when it needs to concentrate its efforts on dealing with the United States.

Affected by the realities of the situation, military transformation is inevitable.

Judging from the content of the third military reform, the reduction of the army, the strengthening of the air force, the enhancement of the status of the navy, and the establishment of a space force can be regarded as the most important aspects of military transformation. In reality, there are many details worth paying attention to. Not to mention anything else, when a large number of soldiers were reduced, the Republic Army was the last to achieve "full professionalism". To be precise, it is the non-commissioned officers who replace the soldiers and become the backbone of the army. By the end of the year, the thug Wan was a technical non-commissioned officer, and the rest of the Wan were non-commissioned officers of the grassroots troops. Combined with the military mobilization mechanism, also established by the Third Military Reform, there is no need for national mobilization in the event of a threat of war in the Republic. Mobilization at the army level alone, that is, the mobilization of reserve forces, can more than double the size of the Republican Army in a matter of months. If a nationwide war mobilization is carried out, the size of the army can be more than doubled in three months. Although the mobilization capability of the Air Force, Navy and Space Force is far inferior to that of the Army, according to the National Defense Blue Book released by the State Council of the Republic at the beginning of the year. After the completion of the third military reform, the Republic's national defense mobilization capability will be more than doubled, that is, within three months, the military strength will be increased by about two times from the army in peacetime except for the army. The mobilization capacity is quite impressive.

As can be seen from above. The key to the third military reform is to enhance the mobilization capacity of the armed forces.

In fact, in order to ensure the combat effectiveness of the army while reducing the size of the army, it is necessary to improve the mobilization capacity of the army. In addition, there is one thing that must be done well, and that is the military reserve system.

To put it simply, it is the country's strategic reserve system.

As early as the beginning of the century. The Republic of China has begun to improve its national strategic reserve capacity and has established strategic reserve facilities such as strategic granaries and strategic oil depots. After the South China Sea War, the authorities of the Republic of Korea decided that war in East Asia would be inevitable as Japan progressed to the ranks of nuclear powers, so they set about establishing a military reserve system for the Republic of Korea. Suffice it to say, during the Peninsular War. The armored forces of the republic were able to continuously drive to the battlefield, and the air force was able to maintain a strong combat effectiveness, which was very closely related to the military reserve areas established before the war. In other words, the main purpose of the second military reform promoted by Zhao Rundong was to establish a military reserve system.

The military reserve system is more complex than the national strategic reserve.

Not to mention anything else, because munitions are time-sensitive and are very quickly replaced, it is impossible to reserve military supplies in the same way that they can store food and oil. In fact. No country will procure large quantities of arms in peacetime and stockpile up arms that cannot be used by the troops.

The problem is that as soon as war breaks out, the demand for munitions will skyrocket, and it will take time to adjust the production capacity of the military-industrial complex. It will not be possible to meet the needs of the army in the first place. In order to ensure that the army can take the initiative in a sudden war, the military powers of Shiyao have adopted a disguised means of military reserves, that is, to equip two generations of weapons at the same time. Take the Air Force of the Republic, for example, say, small with small old series fighters, not used to replace small old series fighters. The same goes for the U.S. Air Force, whose sister-in-law fighters will be used to replace the old series fighters, not the ugly series fighters. In this way, in addition to the main equipment deployed in the front-line troops. The second-line troops are equipped with relatively old weapons, and after the war breaks out, they will be able to make full use of the combat potential of the second-line troops. In the Indian War, the Republic Air Force invested very limited number of small old fighters, and its main task was to seize air supremacy, and only in the later stages of the war, after the opponent completely lost air supremacy, began to carry out ground strike missions. According to the statistics of the Air Force of the Republic, throughout the period of the war in India. Fifth-generation fighters such as Kogu and Koguchi only carried out ground strike missions that were not under threat, and the bombing missions above Tian were completed by Kogu and Kogu series fighters.

The second military reform mainly emphasized this military reserve system. Round reading the most chopped chapters, choose the tear book, throw the concave Peng complete

Thus. As a soldier of the country, Zhao Rundong has made very outstanding contributions to the national defense construction of the republic.

When it came to the third military reform, Wang Yuanqing wanted to strengthen the military reserve system in addition to enhancing the mobilization capability.

This is clearly not good news for the army. Still taking the Republic Air Force as an example, because it is not intended to replace the small old fighter with the small old, the purchase volume of the small old is only half of the purchase volume required by the Air Force, and the insufficient part is realized by improving the small old one; In this way, there was no project at that time. Before the advent of that name, the Air Force's front-line combat forces will be reduced by about half. In fact, because the little old is definitely used to replace the little old, from now on, unless there is a full-scale war. Otherwise, none of the front-line main forces of the Air Force will be able to return to the level before the war in India. Of course. The combat effectiveness of the Air Force will not be greatly affected by this, after all, through the way of rotational deployment. Whether it is a first-line unit or a second-line unit, they can be trained.

In the entire military reserve system, the most critical is the ammunition reserve.

The equipment can be used for several years, and no ammunition of any kind can be stored for several years. More importantly, when the equipment is used, it can be donated to friendly countries free of charge, thus saving the cost of destruction, but ammunition cannot be given away on a large scale, and in fact, few countries are willing to purchase ammunition on a large scale in peacetime. To be a not very appropriate comparison, equipment is like a pot, ammunition is like rice, every family has a few pots, and they can be used for more than ten years, or even years, and no family will hoard too much rice in normal times.

The question is. You have to stock up on some bullet wire

Exactly. Many people believe that the cycle of large-scale local wars in which a major power is involved is completely determined by the capacity of the ammunition depots of the major powers. For example, during the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, because the ammunition depots of the United States could only reserve ammunition produced by arms companies in the old years without consumption. Therefore, the regional wars in which the United States was involved were also limited to the old years, such as the Korean War in the era of the fall of the century, the Vietnam War in the era of the field to the blade, the Panama War in the rush era, and the Afghan War initiated by the former Soviet Union during this period, although the United States was not directly involved, but the United States provided a large number of weapons and equipment for the anti-Soviet guerrillas in Afghanistan through various channels, which was equivalent to the consumption of the US ammunition depots, the Gulf War at the beginning of the century and the Kosovo War at the end of the century, although the Kosoti War broke out after the collapse of the Soviet Union. But according to the widely accepted view, the war was one of the hallmarks of the post-Cold War transition.

Taking the war in which the republic was involved as an example, because the republic was not involved in international disputes before the Fourth Indo-Pakistani War, the ammunition depot capacity was very limited, so after the Fourth Indo-Pakistani War, that is, after the republic's military factories were turned around, wars broke out almost every three to years. Consumes all reserve ammo.

In the third military reform, Wang Yuanqing did not manage to reduce the production capacity of military enterprises.

Because the military industry has been opened to private capital, Wang Yuanqing has no reason to stop the work of private arms enterprises through administrative interference.

In response to this problem, Wang Yuanqing proposed a very straightforward solution: increase the stock capacity of ammunition depots.

Having clarified this point and looking at the third military reform, I am afraid that no one thinks that Wang Yuanqing's reduction in military spending will have a negative impact on the military strength of the republic.

Arguably. Wang Yuanqing had no intention of weakening the military power of the Republic at all.

In a sense, the focus of the third military reform is only one, that is, how to maintain the strongest national defense strength with the least amount of money, and when necessary, to explode the national defense strength as quickly as possible, so that the republic can win any war.

From this point of view, Zhao Rundong established the military reserve system from the level of the army, while Wang Yuanqing improved the military reserve system from the height of the state. Although it cannot be proved that Wang Yuanqing is an outstanding military strategist, it is enough to prove his political talent and first-class strategic vision!