The top leadership of the republic met at the General Staff. [No pop-up novel network] is not a top secret, and it can't be Yongershan.

Before the sky in Beijing had even dawned, news spread around the world that the republic was preparing for war.

In order to exaggerate the atmosphere of the war, the Western news media compared the military meeting attended by Wang Yuanqing and others at the General Staff Headquarters with the outbreak of the war in Japan, and came to the conclusion that Wang Yuanqing had made up his mind to start a war and that the General Staff of the Republic was actively making war arrangements.

On his way to the General Staff, Pei Chengyi watched a news report broadcast on state television.

What surprised Pei Chengyi a little was that what the Western news media were most concerned about was not whether the republic could defeat India without suspense like Bengqian, but the impact of this war on the republic.

When I did the relevant report, I just compared the United States with the Republic.

Since the outbreak of the Iran War in 47. In addition to showing some performance during the Korean Peninsula War, the United States did not participate in, let alone take the initiative to start a war. In the history of the United States, this couple's year is definitely a special case. You must know that from the Second World War, that is, after the United States became the world's number one power, it participated in the Korean War in the era of the United States, the Vietnam War in the era of the United States, the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan, the Gulf War and the Kosovo War in the illusory era, and the Afghan War and the Iraq War, even if we do not count the small-scale military conflicts and military actions such as subverting the blockade of Cuba, subverting the Panamanian regime, intervening in the Colombian Civil War, bombing Libya, and intervening in the Middle East War, the United States averages one major war every year. In view of this situation, certain military and sociologist scholars in the United States have also made very classic comments. It is believed that the US arms companies only need the old years to produce enough weapons and equipment to fill the US military warehouses, so that a large-scale war needs to consume all the stocks and make room for the new production of arms and give the arms companies something to do. Although this comment is a bit extreme and relatively one-sided. But we have to admit that the frequency of wars in the United States is very high.

Compared to the war that the Republic waged in the year of the force to the year of the milk mussel. The United States is nothing.

In just four wars between India and Pakistan, the East China Sea War, the Southeast Asia War, the Peninsula War, the Japanese War, and the Southern Tibet Conflict, the Republic has participated in six large-scale wars or local military conflicts in a short period of time, with an average of once every three years. The frequency is 3 times higher than in the United States. If the republic goes to war against India, it will fight 7 wars during the year, the middle of which will be large-scale regional wars. With such a high frequency of wars, can the republic withstand it?

It would certainly be a lie to say that the deletion is worried about the republic.

In Pei Chengyi's view, there is only one purpose of this big propaganda: to promote the theory that "China will be defeated." ”

Doing so will inevitably have an impact on the U.S. government and the Indian government.

If the US Government believes in the theory that "China will lose," it will spare no effort to support India, at least provide India with weapons and equipment, and help India win the war. It is certainly not the US government that has the last laugh, but the American arms dealers. For the United States, which has not fought a war in the punishment year, what the US arms dealers need most is a war that can use up all the arms of the United States. The war was fought too fast. Before the United States could react, the war was over. The war on the peninsula was fierce, but the South Korean ** team was too uncompetitive and was defeated before a large number of US arms and supplies arrived. Without a large-scale war, not only would the American firefighters not make money, but millions of American workers would lose their jobs.

If the Indian government believes in the "theory that China will be defeated," it will certainly rise up to resist, and then it will not only need weapons and equipment produced by US nuclear dealers. It also needs food produced by American farmers, drugs produced by American pharmaceutical factories, financial assistance from the U.S. federal government, and even opportunities for human rights groups in the United States to operate. Most importantly. India responded to the war in an all-out way, and the fire made the republic pay an even greater price for the war.

As long as these two goals are achieved, the United States is the only winner in this war.

Pei Chengyi can't let the deletion shut up, and can only do his best to make the republic win the final victory at the minimum cost.

After coming to the General Staff, Pei Chengyi did not go to Xiang Linghui, because the Chief of the General Staff was busy with the affairs of the government meeting.

All morning, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao were busy arranging work locations for the staff officers who were about to arrive. Hundreds of people can't be arranged anywhere, with the help of Dongfang Wen. The General Affairs Office vacated a large warehouse for the Operations Department, provided several hundred sets of office furniture, and sent professional construction personnel. The problem of accommodation for a few hundred people is also very troublesome, and it is certainly impossible to arrange housing according to the standards of the General Staff, and some of these officers may not be able to stay, and those who can stay will also go to the front-line command after the relevant work is completed, so they can only vacate a few floors in the guest house of the General Staff for the officers who come to report to live temporarily.

In the afternoon, the first batch of major officers arrived at the General Staff. These people are all from the metropolitan garrison, and they only need to handle the personnel transfer procedures. Subsequently, officers from various nearby units arrived one after another. Busy until dark, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao didn't even eat dinner, because the officers of the Air Force would arrive at night.

Early the next morning, Pei Chengyi read a news report on the way to the General Staff.

After getting busy, he could only take such free time to learn about the situation outside.

The "Sino-Indian War" has become the focus of news, and it seems that the war has exploded. What surprised Pei Chenggu was that it was. On the morning of the second day of the month, the United States shouted to the outside world in Eastern Time: "The United States will unite with the European Union, Canada, Australia and other regions and countries to do its best to urge India to withdraw its troops from Sikkim and resolve the contradictions between China and India."

It seems that the United States is preventing the war.

After thinking about it carefully, Pei Chengyi realized that the intention of the United States was completely opposite.

The "Sino-Indian contradiction" was mentioned in the statement of the US federal government, and before that, most of the Western media did not explicitly say this. After all, the republic did not turn the other cheek with India. It is only a tough stance on the issue of the restoration of the sovereign state of Sikkim and the establishment of a state in Sikkim. Since the U.S. federal government has said so, it is only natural that the news media will quote it, thus turning the Sikkim issue into a Sino-Indian issue.

On top of that, the US federal government only mentions "urging India to withdraw its troops." "But nothing came up with a plan.

Without a practical course of action, the U.S. government's statement is in fact a diplomatic appeal that has no binding force or even much meaning. From a problem-solving point of view, U.S. diplomatic appeals are sure to backfire. The reason is simple, after the United States made a diplomatic appeal. The door has been opened for a peaceful solution, and the Republic has to work for peace even if India does not and will not withdraw its troops from Sikkim. In such a situation, the republic's provocation of conflict, i.e., sending troops into the Himalayas to help Sikkim build a state, would be seen as a breach of the peace. In this way, the republic becomes the party that destroys the peace.

It is clear that this is what the United States wants.

As long as the republic is branded as an "aggressor", the United States and other Western countries will have full justification for providing support to India, and even sending troops to protect India.

Seeing through these tricks, Pei Chengyi had to admire the ability of the United States to play conspiracy.

This did not surprise him, because he had dealt with the US military. What's more. The United States was originally a country founded by a group of exiles, and before its birth, conspiracy and struggle were the main theme of American society. Although this idea of political struggle derived from the basic culture has provided great help for the United States to establish a free and democratic social system, it has also fundamentally determined the political culture of the United States and made the United States a unique country in the world.

When he came to the General Staff, Pei Chengyi forgot about the outside world and devoted himself to his work.

In the early afternoon, the last of the officers arrived.

Before getting off work, Pei Chengyi received a call from Xiang Linghui. After asking Yuan Chenhao to host the evening reception banquet for him, Pei Chengyi went to Xiang Linghui's office.

"Have you got the results of the government meeting?"

"After two days of meetings, my head was big." Xiang Linghui sighed and said. "You also know a lot about the government, you know the government. As always, there is no shortage of opposition. The main thing is that the time is not yet ripe, and if we take the initiative to start a war, we are likely to run into big trouble. ”

Pei Chengyi smiled bitterly and said, "What is Yuan's attitude?" ”

"I talked to Yuan for two nights." Xiang Linghui walked over with a teacup and said. "Yuan's attitude has not changed, the key is whether we should take the initiative to provoke a war at this time."

"In other words, Yuan is still a little hesitant."

Xiang Linghui nodded, put the teacup in front of Pei Chengyi, and sat on the sand opposite. "It's not hesitant, after all, the decision has been made a long time ago, but in terms of the choice of timing, Yuan is still considering. However, there is good news, Yuan has officially approved the establishment of a front-line command, and the appointment letters between you and Yuan Chenhao will be sent tomorrow. Yuan also asked about this matter last night, let's first establish a front-line command center and come up with a combat plan as soon as possible. ”

"The battle plan is a small matter, the key is where the front-line command is located.

"That's why I asked you to come." Xiang Linghui took out a cigarette and handed it to Pei Chengyi, and said, "Yuan talked to me about this matter, according to Yuan's meaning, this is not a war in which we unilaterally participate, and the coordinated actions of the allies are very important, so Yuan hopes that we can consider Pakistan."

"Islamabad?"

Xiang Linghui nodded and said, "All the officers you want have arrived, right?" ”

Pei Chengyi was stunned for a moment and said, "It's all here in the afternoon, and a reception banquet will be held in the evening." I asked Yuan Chenhao to entertain them on my behalf. ”

"It's easy to say when people arrive, let Yuan Chenhao be here on top, and you can go to Islamabad as soon as possible."

"For this?"

"Of course it's not just that." Xiang Linghui handed the document on the coffee table to Pei Chengyi. "This is a material sent by the Pakistani General Staff, you take a closer look on the road."

Hearing Xiang Linghui's words, Pei Chengyi immediately closed the document he had just opened.

"I've got the plane ready for you, ready to go out at any time." Xiang Linghui smiled. said, "I just received this document, so I didn't have time to inform you." When you arrive in Islamabad, you will discuss with the Chief of the Pakistani General Staff on my behalf about joint operations, and you can propose the establishment of a joint command in the meantime. If the Pakistani military still refuses to budge, then offer to set up a forward command in Islamabad. As for the matter of the joint command, I will find a way to solve it when you come back. ”

"Mr. Xiang, I'm not unsure, I just don't think there will be any redemption when I go to Islamabad."

"Pakistan invites you, someone has to go, right? You also know that there are so many things in China now, I definitely can't leave, otherwise I would have gone a long time ago. I originally wanted Yuan Chenhao to go, after all, this was an opportunity to train him, but this matter was ordered by Yuan, and Yuan Jiaoli's military rank was too low, so it may not be able to make General Ji Stan's uniform for several years, not only very familiar with the situation in Pakistan, but also had contact with Pakistani generals. What's more, your performance in the previous wars was enough to convince the Pakistani general. As you know, Pakistani soldiers all crawl out of the artillery fire, and what I admire most is a soldier like you who has actual combat experience and has won a great victory. Maybe they think you higher than I am.

If we do a good job, we will be able to settle the matter of the joint command center, because after all, joint operations are very important. Even if it doesn't work out well, it will get Pakistan to make concessions and agree to let us set up a forward command in Islamabad, or somewhere else close to India. ”

"Must there be a front-line command inside Pakistan?"

"What do you say?"

Pei Chengyi smiled bitterly and said, "Okay." I'll go back and pack my bags right away. ”

"I've asked Dongfang Wen to go back and pack your luggage for you, you go directly to the power field, maybe he has already arrived."

Pei Chengyi didn't ramble anymore and immediately got up to say goodbye.

On the way to the airport, Pei Chengyi called home.

After the plane took off, Pei Chengyi opened the information that Xiang Linghui gave him.

Nothing else than a few points made by the Pakistani General Staff on the establishment of a joint command.

As early as shortly after the end of the conflict in southern Tibet, when Pei Chengyi was still studying at the National Defense University, the Republic secretly discussed with Pakistan the establishment of a joint command. Even allies. There will also be differences of interest. The differences between the Republic and Pakistan on this issue are very serious, and they have not been able to reach an agreement for several years. Because Pei Chengyi participated in the relevant negotiations during his work in Pakistan, he is very clear about the specific situation.

The reason for Maokistan's delay in answering the question of the establishment of the joint command was only one catty: the price of the republic was too low.

According to the bottom line of negotiation proposed by Xiang Linghui. The joint command will be dominated by republican officers, with Pakistani officers responsible only for inconsequential matters. Other words. The joint command will be controlled by the General Staff of the Republic and will not be subject to the Pakistani General Staff. This is equivalent to the fact that during the war, the Pakistani army must obey the command of the republic, and the entire combat operation is decided by the republic.

Judging from the military strength of the two countries, as well as the investment in the war, such an arrangement is not unreasonable.

The key problem is that Pakistan's war aims do not coincide with the Republic's war purposes.

In the final analysis, Pakistan does not want the republic to completely defeat India, because without India, the alliance between Barkistan and the Republic will inevitably be affected, and Pakistan's importance will be greatly reduced, and Barkistan has only one purpose. That is to regain the southern part of Kashmir. Hit India hard. As long as this is achieved, Kistan will immediately end the military operation and continue to use India to obtain strategic assistance from the Republic.

Obviously, the republic could not accept such a war outcome.

If only for the sake of inflicting heavy losses on India, the republic does not even need to go to war, a military conflict will serve its purpose.

The different purposes of the war have led to a completely different attitude towards the war between the two countries. Although Pakistan has long promised to provide assistance to the Republic in the event of a full-scale war, including opening all military bases, providing logistical support, participating in combat operations, etc., Pakistan has never formally promised to help the Republic defeat India completely, or even to send troops into India.

It is clear that the disagreement between the republic and Pakistan is not an ordinary issue, but a disagreement with the fundamental interests of the state.

If a joint command is set up in accordance with Xiang Linghui's wishes, Pakistan will lose the initiative.

Leaving aside for the moment whether the guarantees of the republic are valid or not. That is, the Republic promised to provide Pakistan with war reparations and to recognize Pakistan's control over the Muslim-populated areas of India after the war, and in a full-scale war, Pakistan would not even have the power to command its own army. And how to protect their own interests?

It is precisely knowing the key reason for this that Pei Chengyi does not have much hope for the establishment of a joint command.

Comparatively speaking, it is more pragmatic to set up a separate front-line command.

Although Wang Yuanqing and Xiang Linghui have been emphasizing the importance of Pakistan, in Pei Chengyi's view, if the importance of Kistan is only measured by military value, the importance of Kistan is not prominent, after all, Pakistan's military strength is very limited, even if it can defeat the Indian army, it is impossible to play a key role in a large-scale war. Pakistan's importance is debatable, if not in other respects.

To put it simply, if it is fought well and India's defeat is decided, Pakistan will definitely take advantage of the fire to rob; If it loses, India will have a room to breathe, and Pakistan will sit on the sidelines. In both cases, the republic did not have to count on how much Pakistan contributed to the war.

On the way, Pei Chengyi was thinking about how to set up a front-line command, especially the location of the front-line command.

The basic conditions in Islamabad are excellent, but the problems are also very large, and Pakistan will not necessarily allow the Republic to set up a forward headquarters in its capital. Other locations, such as Lahore, are not badly equipped, but they are a little closer to India and their safety is difficult to guarantee.

It's a big hassle indeed.

Pei Chengyi did not object to setting up the front-line headquarters in Pakistan, because this was a special arrangement by Wang Yuanqing, which would have a great impact on the entire war operation.