The intensification of military cooperation in the international community has caused a blatant uproar

On the first day of July, in the absence of Rurajapani, the Indian Parliament passed the Basic Law on the Resolution on Self-Government of Sikkim, which defined the political status of Sikkim as a "self-governing state" in the form of legislation. Although the bill gives Sikkim a lot of autonomy, such as enacting "state laws to open schools in Bodhiya and Nepali, independent taxation and budgetary systems, and local elections" to state governments. Wait a minute. However, it fundamentally rejected Sikkim's independent statehood and created an insurmountable obstacle to the Sino-Indian negotiations on the Sikkim issue.

The Sikkim contradiction completely exploded.

Later in the evening, Wang Yuanqing formally signed the "Yuan Order" authorizing the Ministry of National Defense and the General Staff Headquarters to transport combat troops and combat materials to the front line, and to prepare combat forces ahead of schedule.

Although Rurajapani had a slight advantage in New Delhi time, that is, around the time after Wang Yuanqing signed the "Yuan Decree", he went to the Indian Parliament to ask the parliament to reconsider the Basic Law of the Sikkim State Autonomy Resolution. The bill then passed through Parliament, but the Indian prime minister's move did little to make a difference. Tensions in South Asia cannot be resolved at their roots.

The mountain rain is coming, and the wind is full of buildings.

As the world watched when the war would break out, Bae was in Islamabad discussing with Pakistani generals about the establishment of a joint command. Negotiations continued on the third day. Pei Chengyi no longer called for the establishment of a joint command center, and shifted his focus to the issue of selecting the location of the front-line command center.

Pakistan did not refuse this small request, "but has reservations about the specific location."

Pei Chengyi had already been prepared for the fact that Kistan refused the first two requests, that is, after the Republic set up a front-line command in Islamabad and Lahore, Pei Chengyi retreated to the second, and when he made the third request, he chose the address of the headquarters in the small northeastern city of Wozerabad in Pakistan Kistan did not refuse the republic's request again, because the Pakistani generals who participated in the negotiations had all studied in the Republic and knew the meaning of the saying "nothing more than three".

If the request made by the republic is rejected for the third time, it will certainly have an impact on relations between the two countries.

In fact, Pei Chengyi chose Wozerabad first.

Islamabad and Lahore were first proposed to Pakistan precisely so that Pakistan would have no reason to refuse the Republic's establishment of a forward command in Wazirabad. To set up a front-line command, it is definitely necessary to send garrisons, and the scale will not be too small. Islamabad is the capital of Pakistan, and only the Pakistani army can be stationed; Lahore is the most important Punjab province in Pakistan and a military center in the northeast of Pakistan, and it is impossible for him to be involved. Before arriving in Pakistan, Pei Chengyi was aware of the problem. Strictly speaking, Wauzirabad is no less important militarily than Islamabad and Lahore, if not more so. If Pei Chengyi had proposed Wozerabad first, he would have been rejected and would have had to choose a less-than-ideal location.

Wozirabad is located between Lahore and Islamabad, about 4 kilometers from Lahore and about 1 kilometer from Islamabad. It is the intersection of the Islamabad-Lahore Railway and the Sialkot-Faisalabad Railway, the Gujarat-Lahore Highway and the Jamo-Hafizabad Highway, and is a transportation hub in the northeastern region of Pakistan. What's more, Wat is less than four kilometers from Kashmir and has road and rail links to the southern part of Kashmir, so if the Republic wants to send troops to Kashmir, it will have to go through it.

Although Wozerabad is not large, with a population of less than 10,000, Pei Chengyi did not want a big city, but a stronghold that would facilitate military operations.

Pei Chengyi is busy in Islamabad, and Yuan Chenhao is also busy in the rear.

After the new arrivals were screened again, only the senior officer and the new enlistment officer remained. According to Pei Chengyi's request. Yuan Chenhao grouped these officers with the staff officers of some of the operations offices, first familiarized them with the situation of the General Staff Headquarters, and then arranged work posts according to their specialties.

To be familiar with the situation in the General Staff is to be familiar with the working environment of the staff officers.

For those officers who have been transferred from the grassroots units, how to master the work skills of staff officers in a short period of time is definitely a formidable challenge. Those who were able to stay were all officers with staff experience, and those officers who had made meritorious contributions in the war and had outstanding combat performance were sent back. Yuan Chenhao has been at the grassroots level for several years, and he knows the situation of the grassroots troops, so he is very familiar with the situation of the grassroots officers. The "training" work he arranged was very simple, that is, to let grassroots officers start from the most basic work, learn on the job, and make progress in the work. There is no way to do it, because the war will soon break out. A front-line command must be established as soon as possible. Pei Chengyi called back several times, and each time he was asking about the situation of the newly recruited officers, and he attached great importance to the affairs of the front-line command.

On 3 July, with the assistance of the United States, Russia, France, Britain and other countries, the Republic held talks with India at the level of deputy foreign ministers.

The international situation is confusing, and the most positive thing is not to maintain "traditional friendship" with India. Russia, but the United States most wants to break out the war, and Britain and France have an attitude that they have nothing to do with themselves.

It is not surprising that Russia has shown indifference on the "Sikkim issue".

After the conflict in southern Tibet, relations between Russia and India took a sharp turn for the worse.

It was Russia that failed to gain any benefit from India's military build-up. As a matter of fact! Already after the Fourth Indo-Pakistani War, Russian-Indian relations began to decline. At that time, India gave up its joint development plan with the Speaker Factory and turned to the United States to purchase a Wukou and a Wufu machine, which was about 100 million dollars in research and development funds, which led to a serious setback in the development plan. In desperation, Russia turned its attention to the republic and took the initiative to invite the republics to participate in the development of the letter. Although Russia's original intention was for the republic to pay for the completion of the research and development work, but did not want to provide the republic with key technologies, after India withdrew from the republic, Russia had no choice but to offer to share all the advanced technologies with the republic. The problem is that the Republic is already ahead of the decline, and there is no reason to invest tens of billions of dollars in a medium-sized fighter with a performance that is between the old and the small. There is no reason to help Russia make wedding clothes.

The flying time of the blade was delayed again and again, and finally the flight was completed in the old year of the force, which was not only later than the blade, but also 3 years later than the little beater. After the conflict in southern Tibet, India turned to the United States in an all-round way, eliminated all Russian-made weapons and equipment, and even sent some Russian-made weapons and equipment to the United States. For example, the Indian Air Force secretly sent several Sunzhou-4 fighters to the United States for the second time, so that American engineers could borrow them as they pleased, and master the basic technical characteristics of the fighters. Since there is not much to gain from India, and even the most basic arms interests cannot be obtained, what reason does Russia have for India to help India take advantage of the fire?

Second, Russia has no time to take care of anything else. After the Japanese war, Russia turned its focus to the western region and drew closer to the European Union under the condition that "there is no threat from the east", intending to establish a "pan-European Union" to counter the US-dominated NATO. Weaken U.S. influence in Europe. For this. Russia launched "direction movements" in Georgia, Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia to bring these former Soviet republics, which had turned to the United States, back into Russia's arms. In this case, Russia must make a trade-off. Now that India has fallen to the United States. There is no reason for Russia to continue to maintain good relations with India.

The third is that Russia does not want to offend the republic. As early as the regimental year, the republic crossed the European Union and became Russia's largest trading partner. Because the basic reform of the republic was not yet completed at that time, and cutting-edge technologies such as controlled fusion nuclear power plants did not have the ability to be applied on a large scale, the republic still needed Russian oil, natural gas, minerals and other resources. And Russia also needs cutting-edge products such as electric vehicles, electric aircraft, and advanced materials from the republic. Even after the large-scale operation of the controlled fusion nuclear power plant, the republic still has to import natural gas, timber, minerals and other resources from Russia to meet the needs of the country's construction and people's lives. By then, the trade between the republic and Russia had increased eightfold, and Russia's dependence on trade with the republic had exceeded the share of the total trade with the republic in Russia's GDP, and nearly half of the Russian workers were related to Russian-Chinese trade. Although China and Russia signed a new border treaty in the year of the bumper. Russia returned all the eastern part of the Black Blind Island to the republic, settling all border problems and historical problems between the two countries, but Russia knew very well that if the republic intended to settle old scores, Russia would become the brunt of the republic's threat. For the sake of national security and national interests, Russia has no reason to side with India and offend the most powerful country in the world.

Taking into account various factors, Russia's attitude is not difficult to understand.

There is nothing surprising about the Anglo-French attitude.

Even if India is a member of the "Commonwealth". Britain will not take India seriously either. Not to mention that as Argentina has been causing trouble in the waters near the Falklands for several years, Britain has to keep an eye on the South Atlantic. Even in Europe. Life in Britain is not easy either. France, Germany, Italy, and other countries that advocate a "united Europe" have long been impatient with Britain. The French president has repeatedly asked the UK to give a reply as soon as possible on key issues such as "joining the eurozone and joining the political integration process" at European meetings, and it cannot be delayed indefinitely. Affected by all these factors, it is impossible for Britain to take India, which is thousands of miles away, to heart! It is even less likely to stand up for India.

France's situation is similar to that of the United Kingdom, and France, which has always wanted to be the "boss of Europe" around the issue of "reunifying Europe," has not only been active in comprehensive nuclear disarmament, but has also been the first to improve relations with the Republic. Closer and closer to Russia on the "pan-European Union". The war in Japan had shown that the European countries had little influence on the republic, but on the contrary, the republic had a great influence on the European Union. Even Russia does not intend to pull India along, so what reason does France have to act as a major wrongdoer and turn the other cheek with China on the Sikkim issue?

The positive attitude of the United States just shows that the United States is using public affairs in a sinister manner

Although Rurajapani vetoed the Basic Law on Sikkim's Autonomy Resolution and asked the National Assembly to reconsider the specific provisions of the Act, the Act itself is aimed at the independence of Sikkim, and no matter how it is amended, it is impossible to recognize Sikkim as an independent state. More importantly, Indian parliamentarians are closely related to US concubines, and whether or not they can change a bill that can resolve the contradictions between China and India depends on the attitude of the United States.

War is inevitable, and the "positive action" of the United States does not make any sense.

On the other hand, the positive attitude of the United States is pushing for war. With the first consultations between the Republic and India at the level of foreign ministers, the door to negotiations has been opened. This will make many Indian MPs think that if the republic had no reason to go to war at this time, it would not have done so on the Sikkim issue, and that if the republic started war during the consultations, it would also make India a righteous side in the war and would definitely win the final victory in the war, thus playing a role in fueling the flames and allowing India to respond to the war with a more positive attitude.

The United States has not changed its fundamental goals, but has only promoted the war in a different way.

On this very day, a fleet of old ships loaded with enough American-made weapons and equipment to arm the old army divisions arrived in Mumbai, India. Although this military assistance was identified as early as last year. Most of the weapons and equipment were also taken down by the US military. However, the United States provided weapons and equipment to India at this time, which not only did not help the tense situation in South Asia, but made India believe that the support of the United States would determine the outcome of the war. What's more. India was able to use the weapons and equipment provided by the United States to immediately arm the four armored divisions of the old army division, and the infantry divisions of the institute, because these units had been training under the guidance of US military instructors for more than half a year, and the inferior ones were the weapons and equipment of the US army.

What can be achieved from consultations at the level of foreign ministers? Everyone knows it.

On July 4, Pei Chengyi returned to the General Staff.

It was not Xiang Linghui who picked him up at the airport, but Yuan Chenhao.

"The personnel have been arranged, just wait for you to come back and determine the post

"This matter is not in a hurry, is there any news from Mr. Xiang?" Before returning, Pei Chengyi received a phone call from Xiang Linghui and learned that Yuan had adopted the advice of the chief of the general staff, that is, to immediately carry out war deployment work.

The soldiers and horses did not move, and the grain and grass went first.

What Xiang Linghui had to do was not to deploy offensive troops. And to the front line to deliver war supplies. Deploy offensive forces until the battle plan is completed. It can only be carried out after determining the combat missions of the participating units and the participating units. No matter which troops are involved in the war, war materials must arrive at the front line in advance. If we wait until the combat plan is completed before transporting combat materials, it will inevitably have an impact on the deployment of troops.

"Mr. Xiang has been busy with this matter for the past few days, and he only went out to Chengdu in the morning."

"Questions?.

"It's not a big deal

Pei Chengyi frowned slightly, obviously not satisfied with Yuan Chenhao's answer.

"It's just a small problem, mainly the allocation of railway capacity."

"If it's just such a small problem, do you need Mr. Xiang to go to Chengdu in person?"

Yuan Chenhao smiled bitterly and said, "There is also the matter of the troops participating in the war. The question of the Air Force and Navy is not under the responsibility of the General Staff, but mainly the Army Field Army

"The battle plan has not been decided, and the participating troops can be determined?"

"Anyway, the grassroots troops have already made a fuss. Everyone wants to go to war, and they don't want to be reserves. Mr. Xiang went to Chengdu, mostly to do ideological work for the commander of the Sword Army. ”

"Force?" Pei Chengyi was stunned for a moment, and then understood.

In terms of family background, the position of the Sword Army in the Republic Army is not high, but its performance is very eye-catching. From the Laos War to the Peninsula War, the sword army has made many fewer military exploits than the traditional ace army, such as the Wu Army, the Concave Army, and the Hong Army. Before the outbreak of the Japanese War, the Sword Army followed the pace of the Sword Army in accordance with the requirements of the second military reform and became the second rapid reaction army of the Republic. It is precisely because of this that the sword army failed to get the opportunity to go to the battlefield, and could only watch the sword army show its strength on the front line. In the years that followed, the Sword Army continued to practice adaptation. Conducted many coordination or confrontation exercises with the sword army. As tensions in South Asia have returned, the sword army has become more active. When Pei Chengyi was still working in Pakistan, the Dao Army sent a group of officers to Pakistan to help the Pakistani army improve its combat capability.

Seeing that he was about to do it with a real gun, the sword army definitely didn't want to be left behind.

Of course, it is certainly not only the sword army that has problems, but also other field armies.

"Does Mr. Xiang have any orders?" Pei Chengyi looked at Yuan Chenhao, who was sitting next to him.

"Mr. Xiang will not be back until tomorrow night, and you will be asked to preside over the work of the General Staff for him

Pei Chengyi frowned slightly.

"It's not a good job." Yuan Chenhao sighed and said, "Ling Yunxiao came here last night, and Mr. Xiang didn't see him. In addition, several corps commanders will arrive this evening. Although they all returned to the General Staff under the guise of accepting assignments, they probably all had other purposes

"Do you need to talk about it?" Pei Chengyi immediately laughed and said, "These generals don't usually hold meetings. He will not return to the General Staff for three or five years. If nothing else, their noses are smarter than anyone else's, and whenever there is a war, they will appear there. That's fine. Now it's solved, lest we get to the front command and encounter these tricky things again

"You mean"

"When will the other generals arrive?"

"Before eight o'clock in the evening."

"You go and prepare, we will pick up the wind and wash the dust for these distinguished guests who have come from afar, remember to call Shangling

Sky.

Yuan Chenhao nodded, indicating that he understood what Pei Chengyi meant.

Trouble must be solved after all, and the sooner it is solved, the more beneficial it will be. Pei Chengyi is not the kind of person who procrastinates, and he does not want to wait until the front-line command is established to solve the remaining problems. More importantly, Pei Chengyi is now the chief of the Operations Division of the General Staff and is directly responsible to the Chief of the General Staff. To solve problems within the military, Pei Chengyi is exercising his authority on behalf of Xiang Linghui. If you get to the front command. To solve the problem as the commander-in-chief of the front line, you have to rely on your own strength.

Xiang Linghui chose to leave the General Staff at this time, mostly to let Pei Chengyi take the opportunity to improve intra-military relations.