In addition to relatives coming to pay New Year's greetings, local officials and generals near Fuzhou also went to Chen Jingyun's house one by one to pay New Year's greetings, and Ma Cheng and others, who were a little far away, also sent New Year gifts and congratulatory telegrams.

For this reason, Chen Jingyun is not ambiguous, and then let Chen Cai's investigation bureau investigate all the comers, not that he will be removed immediately if he finds it, but he will first get the handle evidence in his hands, and then he will go to the end when he has the opportunity.

Gifts, naturally lest you not plead for mercy or something, especially if your relatives have children and nephews at home, they all want to give Chen Jingyun a certain future, Chen Jingyun is familiar with this kind of thing, basically just look at the academic qualifications and previous experience, and people who have gone to a new school and have a little knowledge can basically be arranged, and there is no need to think about it when you reach the sky in one step, but those who are willing to join the army will be sent to the Fuzhou Military Academy, and those who are willing to enter politics will get a small staff member on the military and political axe side first, and the name will start from scratch. Those goods who eat and wait for death directly asked Yu Shifeng of the Secretariat to arrange an errand for them. As for those who have studied abroad, Chen Jingyun, who is really talented, is not afraid of other people's opinions, and directly reuses them, such as people like Yu Ruofei, and such as his eldest brother-in-law Qian Hanlang.

Qian Hanlang used to be a five-grade civil official, and he was also a civil official with a real job. Looking at the whole of China, he can be regarded as a middle-level official, with such qualifications, I heard that he was still dismissed because of himself, and the eldest sister bypassed Qian Hanlang and asked for Chen Yu's family, a mother and an eldest sister told Chen Jingyun about Qian Hanlang's future together, and Chen Jingyun had to meet Qian Hanlang in person for a while, and after talking in detail for half an hour, Chen Jingyun felt that Qian Hanlang's other abilities were not to be mentioned, but he was definitely a qualified official.

Qian Hanlang had his original qualifications, coupled with a special relationship with Chen Jingyun, so Chen Jingyun directly put him on the Ministry of Finance, first let him be a director under An Hualin, and then mention it later when he had the opportunity.

This kind of treatment is much better than others, so that Chen Jingyun's second brother-in-law was weird when he found out, and even lost his temper with the second sister, so that the second sister returned to her parents' house and cried to Chen Yu's family. For the sake of his daughter, Chen Yu asked Chen Jingyun to arrange another good position for his second brother-in-law.

There was a knowledge that Chen Jingyun's face was gloomy after hearing this, and then he went out directly regardless of Chen Yu's family, which made Chen Yu's stunned and the second sister trembled.

Sure enough, the next day, Chen Jingyun's second brother-in-law was removed by Chen Jingyun from the original idle errand, and then sent to a heavy department as a small official, and also brought him a message: "Don't you want a good position, this is a good position!" ”

Now it's okay, everyone doesn't dare to say anything, even Chen Yu's can only sigh, she already vaguely feels that this son is less and less like her own son.

After the Spring Festival, the major newspapers and periodicals resumed publication on the fifth day of the Lunar New Year, and at this time, the people opened various newspapers, such as declarations, and the news newspapers would find that the battle for the capital had entered the stage of incandescent warfare, and the war of words between all parties was very happy.

For the dispute between the north and the south to set the capital, Chen Jingyun has supported Yanjing from the beginning, the reason why this is also simple, just follow the general trend, Cai Yi and a group of southern governors all support Yuan Shikai, if he himself says that he supports Sun Wen, doesn't it mean that he wants to be unique, he has never done this kind of thing.

Chen Jingyun's attitude, coupled with the fact that he ignored it after expressing his attitude early, the Fujian military and political axes were calm and quiet. Although the newspapers talk about the dispute over the capital every day, not only did the high-level military and political leaders of Fujian not pay much attention to it, but even the ordinary people did not care much about it, and for them, it was better to care about this than to care about the affairs of Fujian Province, especially the provincial council in Fujian Province that has also been in an uproar recently.

Fujian's parliament has also been in existence for many years, and in 1908 it began to prepare for the establishment of the Consultative Bureau, which was formally established in 1909. After Sun Wen was inaugurated as provisional president in January 1912, the provisional political axe changed the consultative bureaus of the provinces into provisional provincial councils, and the process of preparing for the provincial councils naturally avoided the contention of several factions in Fujian.

Just after the Spring Festival, Zheng Zuyin and a group of people such as Hong Zitai followed the example of the Restoration Association to establish the National Progressive Association, intending to compete for seats in the provincial council. Seeing that these two parties have established political parties one after another, the civilian-official group under Chen Jingyun is also worried, but they can't make up their minds about this kind of thing, so they can only find Chen Jingyun.

Chen Jingyun had heard about Zheng Zuyin and Lin Wenying's actions for a long time, and he had already considered the matter of political parties, but he had been busy with military and political affairs all along, and he didn't have time to sort out these things easily.

Now that Zheng Zuyin and the others have become political parties, they can't say anything if they don't say a word, but what kind of political party they want to make has to be carefully considered.

For the thoughts of the political party, Chen Jingyun's request is very simple, that is, for his own use, as for what to save the country and save the people, it is not too late to talk about it later, it is best to be like the social labor party of the Soviet Union in the later generations, with a strong ability to control and attract, from a personal point of view, such a type of organization is the most suitable for individual rule, but I have to say that if Chen Jingyun comes up with such a political party now, let alone rely on the rise of peasant workers, I'm afraid that a group of generals and gentry officials under his command will immediately overthrow him Chen Jingyun. You must know that Chen Jingyun now relies on veritable gentry, businessmen, and the army, but what kind of poor peasants and the like.

Since this path did not work, Chen Jingyun thought of another way, that is, Hitler's National Socialist Party, the merit of the National Socialist Party is that it advocates nationalism, in other words, expansionism, which can integrate the elite class such as businessmen, and at the same time integrate the common people, and represent the interests of the majority of the national strata to the greatest extent. But this thing is easy to make, and it will not be fun to get out of control in the future, and Chen Jingyun does not want to make China an ultra-nationalist country, and then become a public enemy of the world.

I have to say that both the National Socialist Party and the Social Workers Party have a history of being public enemies of the world!

Although he had a great danger later, Chen Jingyun still chose this way, but he didn't engage in party politics before, he didn't know much about some political badges and slogans, and a few of them were nationalism, improving people's living standards, etc., so he just threw bricks and stones, and then let An Hualin, Gao Zeyan and even several senior generals of the army participate in the discussion.

At this time, Qian Hanlang fully demonstrated his keen sense of politics, and put forward several suggestions, such as in the ethnic policy that began to be discussed, Anwarin and several military generals have always believed that the Han nationality is the main body and is the dominant nation. However, Qian Hanlang believes that there are many ethnic groups in China at this stage, and even those ethnic minorities are as few as hundreds of thousands, and as many as millions of them, and it is easy to form a separatist situation if the Han nationality is taken as a single structure, so he suggested that China can be regarded as a unified nation, and there is no distinction between Han, Mongolian, Manchu and other ethnic groups, and he also said that in the future, when implementing the household registration system, it is strictly forbidden to distinguish ethnic groups, and the unified name is Huaxia, so that after several decades, there will be no distinction between Manchu, Han and Mongolian, and they are all Chinese.

In fact, this view is similar to the integration of the Han people, that is, to constantly integrate other ethnic groups into it, and then turn them all into Han nationality, it can be said that China has been doing this for thousands of years, but later people don't know what hysteria they have to get out of dozens of ethnic groups, as if the more ethnic groups, the more capable they are.

In addition, Qian Hanlang has quite an opinion on the economy and political structure, at least he can make some detailed terms under the outline intention given by Chen Jingyun, which is much better than Anwarin and Gao Zeyan, who are halfway monks.

Seeing this, Chen Jingyun handed over the important matter of forming a political party to Qian Hanlang, and secretly made it clear to him: "As for this political party, I not only want him to control the parliament, I also plan to use it to control the army and win the hearts of the people, not only the hearts of the gentry and businessmen, but also the hearts of ordinary people and peasants!" It's not like the League and the Restoration Society shouting slogans, but they have to do it. ”

"Do you understand all of this?" Chen Jingyun has great expectations for this party.

Qian Hanlang is an out-and-out official, a veritable ruling class, and not a revolutionary party of the League with a heart of saving the country and the people, so he understands Chen Jingyun's words very thoroughly, that is, the political party he created is to become a tool for Chen Jingyun to control the army and rule the people!

Chen Jingyun wants something real. As for the words of saving the country and the people, it is just incidental.

Qian Hanlang said: "Zihua rest assured, although I have not been in contact with these political parties before, but everything has changed, I will study and study it after I go back, and I will also discuss with other people, and wait for a few days to keep it and get out the official constitution of the party." ”

After Qian Hanlang took charge of the affairs of preparing for the establishment of the political party, Chen Jingyun sent several other people to help him, including generals like Yu Ruofei, as well as civil officials such as An Hualin, and even Chen Jingyun invited several celebrities from Fuzhou to work together to advise on ideas.

The news that Chen Jingyun was going to establish a political party naturally couldn't be hidden, and the next day it reached the ears of Zheng Zuyin and Lin Wenying, who were naturally on guard to prevent Chen Jingyun from making any big moves, and at the same time, the people on both sides were also actively attracting the gentry of Fujian to join their political party and expand their momentum to prepare for the provincial council election.

Qian Hanlang and others tossed for several days before handing Chen Jingyun the charter of the newly formed political party.

Then Chen Jingyun opened the document and looked at it, and when he saw the name of the newly formed political party, he was almost speechless when he saw the name of the newly formed party.

This name is really going to be used, what name should the Song Jiaoren Reform Alliance use in the future! Chen Jingyun is very curious about this! Curiosity is curiosity, but Chen Jingyun, who came in later generations, really didn't have a good impression of the three words of the Kuomintang, and if he used it, it would definitely be awkward, so he simply said: "This name has to be changed!" ”