Chen Jingyun said that he wanted to change his name, but several people at the lower level showed puzzled looks, and An Hualin said: "Governor, the three characters of the Kuomintang are derived from the National Army, which is familiar and easy to understand and quite atmospheric, I don't know what's wrong?" ”

Several other people also showed puzzled expressions, Chen Jingyun naturally did not say that it was because he didn't like it, but said: "I heard that Song Jiaoren over there in Nanjing is preparing to reorganize the League, and the name he is going to use is this Kuomintang?" ”

"Huh? They also use? Yu Ruofei looked indignant: "This is called infringement, this is called plagiarism, **naked plagiarism!" ”

What you learn law is different, and opening your mouth is plagiarism and infringement.

"They clearly know that our troops are the Nationalist Army, and they are still called the Kuomintang, isn't this obviously trying to rob us of our name!" Chen Kui was also a little unhappy.

You must know that in the early years of the Republic of China, there were so many political parties that it was not easy to choose a political party name that sounded good and could not be the same as others.

Chen Jingyun pressed his hand and said, "It's okay, isn't it just a name, just change it!" ”

Chen Jingyun said so, and everyone stopped arguing, although he was still not angry in his heart, he still discussed another name, and found that the good names were all taken up by people, and finally Chen Jingyun simply said: "I think so, just call it, just call it the National Socialist Party, referred to as the National Socialist Party." ”

After hearing this, everyone pondered in their hearts and secretly read it to themselves a few times, and they all felt that although this name was not as good as the Kuomintang, it was not bad, and since Chen Jingyun personally proposed it, everyone did not object much, so the name of the newly formed political party was determined, and the full name was the "National Socialist Party of China" or "National Socialist Party" for short.

Then Chen Jingyun next looked at some political programs of the party constitution drafted by Qian Hanlang and others, and after a cursory reading, he felt that it was acceptable, and generally felt that it was a combination of the German Nazis and the Social Workers' Party, but it was somewhat different from the existing situation in China, such as emphasizing the concept of the Chinese nation, emphasizing the racial superiority of the Chinese since ancient times, emphasizing that the Chinese must have sufficient living space, opposing alien colonization, and demanding the abolition of various unequal treaties. In the economy, the emphasis is on the national economic system, that is, the state controls (not nationalized, but state-controlled) industries that are related to the lifeblood of the country, and at the same time, the state guides and encourages private capital to invest in industrial and commercial industries, and develops industry and commerce to enrich the people and strengthen the country. Finally, on the extremely important question of peasants and land, he was also radical, advocating that the peasants must own their own land, reducing the taxes on the peasants, reducing the rent, limiting the maximum amount of land owned by individuals, and imposing high taxes on the excess.

These three main aspects are taken into account, such as the theory of racial superiority, which can attract the most enthusiastic young students and the elite class with the heart of reviving China. The national economic system also attracts the elite and enthusiastic class by exercising state control over the country's lifeline, but encouraging industry and commerce can also attract ordinary business class, because the investment direction of China's private capitalists is basically in light industry, and basically does not involve the country's lifeblood industry.

The last land policy is a bit radical, limiting the maximum amount of land owned by individuals and reducing rents, which can be expected to be countered by large landlords, but such a policy will be greatly welcomed by poor peasants and middle peasants, and with the support of these people, it will represent the support of more than 90% of the people in Fujian Province.

In addition, the reason for the adoption of such a land policy is inseparable from the current situation in Fujian and even in China, and it is no longer the landlord class that controls the military and political axes and even the national power in Fujian, but the emerging group of capitalists, to a large extent, Chen Jingyun's rule is maintained on this group of capitalists, such as Zheng Zuyin, An Hualin, and Gao Zeyan are basically all business tycoons, although each family has a large number of granges, but the production of fields has long been not their main source of wealth. Therefore, this policy will not be opposed by the main supporters of the military and political axe, that is, the business class.

At the same time, it can be said that the best way to win the hearts and minds of the poor and middle peasants is the best way to do so in desperation.

Almost all of the more than 20 National Socialist Party programs are covered by these three aspects. And almost all of these are aimed at pandering to merchants, small industrialists, peasants, to paraphrase all the forces that can be united.

On the other hand, this is completely Chen Jingyun's ruling tool, attracting all kinds of talents to work for him to the greatest extent.

These terms were carefully discussed, and Chen Jingyun himself carefully pondered them, and felt that they were okay, so he decided on the program of the National Socialist Party, and then officially announced the founding of the party.

As a result, on 27 February, several newspapers in Fujian officially published a notice on the founding of the National Socialist Party of China, saying that if a political party was founded, basically no one would pay attention to it; after all, not to mention the whole country, even Fujian had more than a dozen political parties of all sizes popping up during this period, and another one would not attract people's attention at present. But this time it was different.

Because it was written in black and white in the newspaper that Chen Jingyun was the chairman of the National Socialist Party, An Hualin was the vice chairman, and then there was a series of committee members: Gao Zeyan, Ma Cheng, Lin Chengkun, Li Jimin, Yuan Fang, and almost all the high-level officials of Chen Jingyun's descendants became members of the Central Committee of the National Socialist Party.

For a time, the momentum of the Kuomintang was shaken, and Qian Hanlang, who was appointed by Chen Jingyun as the secretary general of the Kuomintang Party Committee, led a group of subordinates who had only figured out what the party was in the past few days to pull people into the party.

Let's not talk about the program and constitution of the Kuomintang Socialist Party, just relying on the three words Chen Jingyun, those Fuzhou celebrities and gentry who were approached by Qian Hanlang did not think about the consequences of refusal, and even many people who joined Zheng Zuyin's National Progressive Association and Lin Wenying's alliance party a few days ago took the initiative to join the National Socialist Party. However, the National Socialist Party was not allowed to join more than one party at the same time, and if you wanted to join the National Socialist Party, you had to give up the identity of the other parties, so in the next few days, many people from the National Progressive Party and the Allied Party quit one after another and joined the National Socialist Party.

The expansion of the Kuomintang in society can be done by rich and well-governed, but the promotion in the military system cannot be so simple, and it must be cautious and cautious.

To a large extent, Chen Jingyun created this Kuomintang in order to control the army, and in the future, he even hoped to improve the cohesion of the troops with faith, so he put a lot of effort into promoting the Kuomintang in the troops. First of all, he personally went to the Fuzhou Military Academy to give a speech, preparing to use all kinds of enthusiastic language to stimulate the minds of these young reserve officers.

"When those of us were preparing for the National Socialist Party, the National Socialist Party already had its two principles, the first was that it was a purely ideological party, and the second was that it would undoubtedly become the dominant force in China."

"Now our party is very small, but we have nothing to fear, because we are ahead of the overwhelming majority. Those who have made the most valuable struggles and sacrifices for the country and the nation have always been the minority, not the majority (the truth is in the hands of the few), and this group of minority people is the hope of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the hope of China's future. At the same time, this group of the best people of the Chinese nation can proudly claim the right to lead the country and the people, and the people should consciously obey the leadership of these people. Chen Jingyun said such incendiary words, which caused a group of young officers below who had joined the National Socialist Party to cheer loudly.

The scene was so bad that Chen Jingyun had to press and press his hand to stop this cheer, and then he said: "At that time, the Chinese people will no longer have to experience regime change, and there will be no more war and turmoil, because at that time the National Socialist Party will be the pillar of China!" ”

When he said this, Chen Jingyun slapped the table hard, almost shouting out the three words of the top pillar with a shout. In an instant, those members of the Kuomintang seemed to feel that they were the hope of the country and the pillar of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and they cheered loudly with red faces.

Chen Jingyun pressed his hand and continued to speak: "Any Chinese people who think they have noble blood will never give up!" ”

"There is always a part of the people who are willing to stand up and fight, who have contributed more and sacrificed more than others, and they are not satisfied with simply swearing: I believe in it. Instead, he said more resolutely: "I want to fight!" ”

"The Kuomintang will be the leader of the Chinese people in the future, and will always be the leader of the Chinese people, and it will make it a training school to accept and train everyone with its iron will, flexible strategy and organizational form, and one day, you will see that all Chinese who can stand will be integrated into socialism, and the elite among them is you, the members of the Kuomintang!"

After saying this, Chen Jingyun pointed to the young officers who had joined the National Socialist Party.

In an instant, hundreds of people in the auditorium once again erupted in cheers!

Chen Jingyun took a deep breath, glanced at the people in the audience, and listened to their cheers, at this time Chen Jingyun enjoyed the feeling of being cheered by others, and waited for more than a minute before saying in a slightly low voice: "We know that the future will be ours, even if the older generation of people are old and fall, but the younger generation will stand up, as long as they dedicate their whole body and mind to the party and become the embodiment of socialist thought, then China is indestructible and the backbone will live forever." ”

After that, he shouted harder: "Long live China, long live the National Socialist Party!" ”

In an instant, almost all the audience was boiling, and everyone shouted, long live China, long live the National Socialist Party! Such a scene even Qian Hanlang and others, who had been controlling the situation and stirring up the atmosphere, trembled with fear.

At the beginning, everyone's cheers were only deliberately arranged by Qian Hanlang, but as Chen Jingyun's speech slowly progressed, not only the members of the National Socialist Party were cheering, but even the ordinary students in the military academy were cheering.

Chen Jingyun looked at these young students who seemed to have entered a state of fanaticism, the expression on his face was still resolute, but he was secretly happy in his heart.

ps: As for the content of the speech, it was changed according to Hitler's speech at the party congress, and the essence has not changed much, it is all nationalist! Rainy days also wondered, how could people believe this thing at that time?